(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Collections of the Georgia Historical Society"

# 



Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive 

in 2010 witii funding from 

Lyrasis Members and Sloan Foundation 



http://www.archive.org/details/collectionfdofgeo02geor 




z;^^ 







% ^ 






> 



^^'fc • 



1»p 



COLLECTIONS 



GEORGIA 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



VOL. II. 



NON SIBI, SED AMIS. 



SAVANNAH. 

PRINTED F'OR T H r-: SOCIETY 

MDCCCXLII. 



m 



Entered according to the Act of Congress in the yp?Lr 1842, by WilmaiA B. 
Stkvens, ill the Clerk's office of the District Court of the District of Massachu- 
setts. 



n O S T ON: 
.PRINTFO ny FREEMAN AND BuI.I.F.S 

W4SII1N(;I0N STKr-ET. 




CONTENTS. 



I. Discourse delivered before the Georgia Historical Society, at 
the celebration of their second anniversary, by William Bacon 
Stevens, M. D., 1 

II. A New Voyage to Georgia, &c. — a curious account of the 
Indians, by an honorable person, and a poem to Oglethorpe, 37 

III. A State of the Province of Georgia, attested upon oath in the 
Court of Savannah, ....... 67 

IV. A Brief Account of the Causes that have retarded the progress 

of the Colony of Georgia, ...... 87 

V. A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in 
America, &c., by Pat. Tailfer, M. D., Hugh Anderson, M. A., 

Dr. Douglass and others, . • . . . . . 163 

VI. An Account, showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia 

in America, from its establishment, ..... 265 

VII. Appendix, ........ 311 



V* 



INTRODUCTION. 



In presenting the second volume of its Collections to the 
public, the Georgia Historical Society cannot but express 
their satisfaction at the favorable reception which was given 
to its first volume, and indulge the hope, that the present 
will equal in interest the one which preceded it. 

The former volume presented but one view of the infant 
settlement of Georgia. It held up a picture, drawn by the 
projectors and friends of the colony, in which they set forth, 
with high eulogium, its value and prospective benefit, and 
thus engaged for it the substantial interests and sympa- 
thies of the benevolent and philanthropic throughout Great 
Britain. 

The present volume exhibits the colony in another as- 
pect ; or, rather, there is brought together, in one work, 
the descriptions of it by its friends and its enemies. The 
first volume was mostly taken up in showing what the 
Trustees designed Georgia should be ; the second, in show- 
ing what, during the first years of its existence, it actually 
was; the structure of its government — the operations of 
its principles, and the character and condition of its inhab- 
itants. 

It was the intention of the editor of this volume to have 
inserted, as part of its contents, a biography of the Hon. 
James Habersham, for a long period President of his Ma- 
jesty's Council, and for two years the acting Governor of 
Georgia, in the absence of Sir James Wright, Bart. As 
his life, however, embraced a period which terminated just 
at the beginning of the Revolution, and would, therefore, in 
its details, involve notices of comparatively recent events, it 
was thought best to defer it for the present, and present 
the public with the most important papers and documents 



6 Introduction. 

relative to the Trusteeship of the colony, before we came 
down to the time of the royal governors and revolutionary 
movements. The pamphlets in the former and present 
volume of Collections, together with those republished in 
the " Historical Tracts" of Mr. Force, constitute the most 
interesting part of the printed materials relating to the 
history of the operations of the Trustees. "Stephens's 
Journal " is of course excepted, and so also are the several 
publications made in reference to the military affairs of 
Oglethorpe, during the Spanish war in Georgia and Florida. 
There yet remain, however, valuable inedited materials of 
this period, which may perhaps occupy the next volume of 
Collections. In the mean time, the Society earnestly re- 
quests, that any who may be in possession of documents, 
pamphlets, or papers of any kind, pertaining to Georgia, 
will deposite them in the archives of the Society, or allow 
copies of them to be made for its use. 

The Society would acknowledge their obligations to 
Col. Peter Force, of Washington city, for his kindness in 
permitting them to republish, in this volume, the "True 
and Historical Narrative" of Dr. Tailfer, ^c, which it 
was important to introduce, as showing, in connection with 
the " Brief Account of the Causes which have retarded 
the Progress of the Colony of Georgia," &c., the views and 
dispositions of the discontented colonists. All the other 
articles are republished from the original pamphlets. 



HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. 



DR. STEVENS'S DISCOURSE BEFORE THE GEORGIA 
HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

February 12, 1841. 

The period of our Revolution has been termed " The 
heroic age of American history." The expression is beau- 
tiful and appropriate, but loses much of its adaptation, if re- 
garded as a mere classical allusion. In the mystic stories 
of early Greece, this term was applied to a period memora- 
ble for the triumphs of physical strength ; it was an heroic 
age of man, as a creature of prowess and of arms, and had 
no reference to his nobler nature, that " bright image of eter- 
nity within." The epoch of the Revolution, however, rests 
not its claims to this distinguishing epithet, upon the exhi- 
bition of any corporeal qualities, real or fabulous ; but upon 
that union of great natural endowments with the holy prin- 
ciples of religion ; with high developments of mind ; and 
with all the potent influences of a refining civilization. 

* As the early events connected with the Revolution in Georgia, which are related 
in this Discourse, have never before been published, it is proper to state, that the 
authorities consulted are Colonial Documents from the Board of Trade, Plantation, 
and State Paper offices; comprising the journals of the Assemblies, correspondence 
of the Governor and his ISIajesty's Secretaries, and memorials and petitions from 
agents and public bodies ; obtained by the State from England. Original letters, 
and documents, furnished through the liberal courtesy of 1.. K. Tefft and William 
N. Habersham, Esqrs. Manuscript notes to Ramsay's History of South Carolina 
by General James Jackson, kindly loaned me by his son. Col. Joseph W. Jackson. 
Files of the Georgia Gazette for 1774—5-C. Parliamentary Debates on the American 
question, and a i'ew minor sources of information. Those who compare the state- 
ments here made, with those detailed in McCall's " History of Georgia," will find 
that we agree in scarcely a single date, or in the constituents of a single event; 
sometimes differing four or five years as to the period of the same transaction. I 
have endeavored to verify all the dates, statistics, and facts, introduced by a careful 
reference to official papers, authenticated documents, and contemporaneous corres- 
pondence ; having several interesting letter-books of that period by me, where its 
stirring scenes were noted as they transpired, and concerning the accuracy of which 
there can be no mistake. 

The Societies alluded to at the close of the Discourse, united with us in our anni- 
versary celebration. W. B. S: 

VOL. II. 1 



2 Dr. Stevens^s Discourse. 

With this rare combination, then, how richly does the era 
of our struggle for freedom merit the appellation of an 
" heroic age ;" for the spectacle then presented, of thirteen 
colonies rising in unison against the oppressions of their 
common mother, and by one long, sanguinary, but success- 
ful war, securing their independence, had never, till then, 
been witnessed by the world. It required heroes, to con- 
ceive the design ; heroes, to execute it ; and none but 
heroes, after leading armies to victory, and a nation to free- 
dom, could resign in peace the laurels of war, and retire 
from the scene of their glory, at the very moment of its 
brightest lustre. 

" Then, tell rae not of years of old, 
Of ancient hearts and clime, 
Ours is the land, the age of gold, 
And ours the hallowed time." 

From among the thronging incidents of colonial history, 
I have selected for consideration, this day, the origin and 
progress of revolutionary proceedings in Georgia. Upon 
this topic, nothing comparatively is known, and while, in all 
the older States, this period has been almost stripped of its 
interest, through the diligent labors of orators and histo- 
rians, it has hitherto, for the want of authenticated docu- 
ments, been a blank page in our written and traditionary 
annals. In the only history of Georgia which has been' 
published, the momentous transactions consequent on the 
passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 are entirely iiimoticed, 
and the whole train of events in this province which fol- 
lowed, until the commencement of hostilities, are scarcely 
mentioned, or, when mentioned, are so erroneous in point 
of time, place, and fact, as only to perplex and embarrass, 
rather than instruct and enlighten. The perusal of the 
interesting manuscript volumes, obtained through the muni- 
ficence of the State from England, together with a variety 
of rare and original papers, both narrative and epistolary, 
has induced me to attempt to supply, if possible, this defi- 
ciency, and exhibit to you, for the first time with the cer- 
tainty of documentary evidence, the position sustained by 
Georgia from the imi)osition of stamp duties, until she united 
herself with the other colonies in the Continental Congress. 
To trace the progress of five principles in America would 
be to epitomize her whole history. From 1G19, when the Vir- 



Dr. Stevens'' s Discourse. 3 

ginians, under the wise administration of Sir George Yeardly, 
gave the new world the first example of legislative liberty, 
to 1776, the fundamental doctrines of freedom, were boldly 
maintained, and rigidly supported. Of these doctrines, that 
which recognised resistance to taxation without representa- 
tion, and which ultimately issued in the Revolution, was ear- 
liest developed, and earliest tested. Indeed, for more than 
a century before the passage of the Stamp Act, the rapa- 
cious exactions of royal Governors presented numerous op- 
portunities for resistance on this very point, which were not 
misimproved. The attempt of the West India Company, in 
1654, to derive a revenue from the inhabitants of New Neth- 
erlands, (now New York,) the efforts to levy taxes in Vir- 
ginia in 1662, and the arbitrary tallage of Lovelace, on the 
shores of the Delaware, in 1667; together with the insult 
offered to popular opinion by burning publicly, before the 
town-house, the votes of eight towns on Long Island against 
the tyrannic imposts of the Governor in 1670 ; and the revo- 
lution in Massachusetts in 1689, created in part by the ex- 
tortionary measures of Sir Edmund Andros ; combined to 
radicate in the minds of the colonists the clearest idea of their 
rights, as subjects and as men, and prepared the way for 
resisting, on a broader arena, the flagitious schemes of the 
Parliament of 1765. 

One of the results of the English aristocratic revolution of 
1688, was the general recognition of that unalterable law of 
nature, which the Magna Charta of Runnymede, nearly five 
hundred years before, had dimly shadowed forth, that pro- 
perty could not be taxed but with the consent of its proper 
representatives ; and the Royal Assembly of New York, 
catching the spirit of this fundamental principle, resolved, 
three years after, that " no tax whatever shall be levied on His 
Majesty's subjects in the Province, or on their estates, on 
any pretence whatever, but by the act and consent of the 
representatives of the people, in general assembly con- 
vened." The act, indeed, was rejected by King Wil- 
liam, and severe task-masters sent over to discipline them into 
obedience ; but the spirit of resistance, hke the trees descri- 
bed by Pliny near the Red Sea, only took deeper root in 
consequence of the storms designed to eradicate it. 

In 1696, a pamphlet appeared in England, asserting the 
power of the Parliament to tax the colonies, and recom- 



# 



■ ■-* 

4 . 'il Dr. Stevens^s Discourse. 

mending the plan; but it was immediately answered from 
this side of the Atlantic, by several replies, which denied 
the right, and repudiated the design. It is indeed remark- 
able, when the tendencies of the Americans to self-govern- 
ment were so early discovered, and the indomitable spirit of 
liberty so conspicuously manifested, that a different course 
was not pursued, rather than the oppressive subjugating 
measures which, the common experience of humanity should 
have instructed the cabinet, could only ultimate in resist- 
ance and alienation. 

As far back as 1701, the Lords of Trade publicly de- 
clared, " that the independency, the colonies thirst after, 
is now notorious;" and in 1705, it was openly pubhshed 
in England, that " the colonists will, in process of time, cast 
off their allegiance, and set up a government of their own ;" 
and 'yet, that same year, a memorial urging a direct tax on 
the colonists was transmitted by a Royalist to the Lords of 
Trade, but both the Board and the Ministry wisely suffered 
it to pass unnoticed. 

In 1728, Sir William Keith suggested to the King the 
proposition to extend the duties of stamps upon parchment 
and paper already existing in England, to the plantations 
in America ; but the plan of the Ex-Governor, as also a 
similar suggestion made to Walpole in 1739, received no 
serious consideration from the high officers of the state. 

In 1754 the commissioners assembled at Albany, to treat 
with the Six Nations, proposed a plan of colonial union, 
the expenses of which, originally defrayed by the Treasury 
Board, were to be reimbursed, by a tax levied on the Pro- 
vinces by an act of the Parliament. But the able letters 
of Doct. Franklin to Governor Shirley, which this scheme 
immediately elicited, stated so luminously the objections to 
such taxation, that a parliamentary writer, in 1778, declared, 
that those who read them attentively would find, that 
scarcely any thing new had been advanced on the subject 
since. 

Towards the close of 1759, Mr. Pitt wrote to Governor 
Farquier, of Virginia, that he designed to raise a revenue 
from the Americans ; but the Governor's reply, representing 
the disturbance it would occasion, induced him to change 
his opinions, and relinquish his design. The expensive 
war with Spain, which Great Britain had engaged in at the 



Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse. 5 

solicitation, and for the defence of the colonies, and in 
which Georgia, through the military services of Oglethorpe, 
had largely participated, rendered the state of the finances 
desperate, and to replenish the treasury, Mr. Huske, a 
native of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, insinuated to Mr. 
Greenville the propriety of carrying into effect, what had so 
long remained a mere speculative scheme ; and during the 
winter of 1764 and 1765 the bill entided "an act for 
granting and applying stamp duties," &c. was digested, 
and on the 22d of March, 1765, received the assent of the 
king. It was a fine sentiment of Edmund Burke, that "an 
English government must be administered in the spirit of 
one, or it will that moment cease to exist." The thirteen 
American Colonies, at the radfication of peace in 1763, 
were all loyal provinces, enjoying a high degree of com- 
mercial and agricultural prosperity, for they reposed in 
peace, under the chartered rights of " an English govern- 
ment, wisely administered in the spirit of one." But their 
quietude was of short duration ; like the blissful dreams of 
peace which visit the pillow of the soldier on the morn of bat- 
tle. They had hardly enjoyed the sweet vision, ere the clarion 
trump of freedom's watchmen awoke them to their danger 
and their duty. The Assembly of Virginia, the only provin- 
cial legislature in session when the news of the passage of 
the act arrived, immediately passed resolves, denying the 
right of parliament to tax the colonies, and nearly every 
province echoed the spirit of the Old Dominion. Georgia, 
then but thirty-two years old, felt keenly this flagrant breach 
of that principle of the English constitution, which declared, 
that no Englishman should be bound by any laws, to which 
he had not consented ; and, upon the reception of the Mas- 
sachusetts letter, proposing a convention of delegates at 
New York, Mr. Alexander Wylly, speaker of the Commons 
House of Assembly, despatched expresses to the members, 
sixteen of whom, (aSout two thirds of the entire body,) 
assembled in Savannah on the 2d September, 1765, and 
responded, by a general letter intimating their hearty co- 
operation in every measure for the support of their common 
rights. Through the influence of Governor Wright they, 
like Virginia, and North Carolina, were prevented from 
sending delegates. In a letter of Governor Wright to the 
Lords of Trade, dated November 9th, 1765, he says, "I 



6 Dr. Stevens''s Discourse. 

am very sorry to acquaint your lordships, that too much of 
the rebellious spirit of the northern colonies has already 
shown itself here ;" and, on the 22d of the same month, he 
writes, " I am still in a very perplexed situation with re- 
spect to the stamp duty, not yet having received the law, 
or the scrai)e of a pen from any of his majesty's ministers, 
or otlicers concerning it ; nor is the paper or oflicer to dis-, 
tribute it, yet come to this Province. Opposition from the 
populace, I am apprehensive of, and, from what has hitherto 
passed, my Lords, I have too much reason to expect, that 
whenever the officer arrives he will be intimidated from 
acting, as the odicers in the northern colonies have been." 

Among the hosts of pamphleteers which this crisis ori- 
ginated, were William Knox, Esq., the Assembly's ageiit, 
and Mr. Campbell, the Crown agent for Georgia. The 
former published a letter addressed to a friend in America, 
entitled *' The claims of the Colonies to an exemption from 
internal taxes, imposed by authority of Parliament, exam- 
ined ;" and the latter, an octavo tract of one hundred and 
fourteen pages, was styled, " Regulations lately made con- 
cerning the colonies, and the taxes imposed upon them, 
considered." Both defended the stamp bill, and both gave 
much umbrage to Georgians, who were especially incensed 
at the over-zealous officiousness of their agent, in entering 
the lists against the Americans. From the agent of the 
Crown they expected nothing better; but they presumed 
that Mr, Knox would at least have exhibited the prudence 
of silence, whatever might have been his private views ; 
and therefore, at the meeting of the Assembly, Nov. 15th, 
1765, the House "resolved to give instructions to the Com- 
mittee of Correspondence to acquaint William Knox, agent 
for this Province, that the Province has no further occasion 
for his services." 

In common with many others, Mr. Knox contended, that 
the colonies were virtually represented, but the excellent 
James Habersham, President of His Majesty's Council, a 
true loyalist, but a true patriot, in his pi-ivate reply to Mr. 
Knox, dated 28th October, 1765, thus exposed the fallacy 
of the assertion : "It appears to me, an insult on the most 
common understanding, to talk of our being virtually repre- 
sented, and I must own, I cannot fix any precise idea to 
the word virtual when we are speaking of the indefeasible 



Dr. Stevens^s Discourse. 7 

birthright of a British American subject. Surely our re- 
siding ill a country and climate, where our persons and pro- 
perties are subject to a thousand casualties and inconven- 
iences (unknown to our fellow subjects in Great Britain, 
and ultimately for their benefit,) should not deprive us of 
being tried by a jury, or subject us to a taxation by two 
Legislative bodies. One of them we indeed cheerfully 
submit to, because chosen by ourselves to represent us, 
and, as they know our situation and circumstances, they 
are consequently best qualified to impose any necessary 
burdens on us ; but the other, cannot (I speak with sub- 
mission) surely think themselves possessed of those very 
essential and absolutely necessary qualifications." " The 
annual tax raised here for the support of our internal policy, 
is full as much as the inhabitants can bear. And suppose 
the stamps here produce only one eighth of what they 
would in South Carolina, it would amount to as much in 
one year as our tax laws will raise in three ; and perhaps 
we have not five thousand pounds in gold and silver 
come into the province in five years, though the act re- 
quires it in one. If this is really the case, as I really be- 
lieve it is, how must every inhabitant shudder at the thought 
of the act taking place, which, according to my present ap- 
prehension, must inevitably ruin them." 

Such were the calm and judicious views of this distin- 
guished man in reference to the operation of this law in 
Georgia. It was not possible, therefore, for them to remain 
passive under such exactions, and, in common with the 
other colonies, they determined to check them in their inci- 
piency. If the exercise of unjust power was submitted to 
once, it would establish a precedent of the most hazardous 
character, and the Stamp Act was opposed, not so much 
from its intrinsic onerousness, as from its involving a ques- 
tion, on the issue of which, depended the liberty or the sla- 
very of America. Truly did the profound Locke say, 
that "Men can never be secure from tyranny, if there be no 
means to escape it, till they are perfectly under it, and there- 
fore it is, that they have not only a right to get out of it, 
but to prevent it." And to prevent it they were deter- 
mined, or perish in the attempt. 

On the evening of the 26th of October, the anniversary of 
His Majesty's accession, there was a great tumult in the 



8 Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse. 

streets of Savannah, and several effigies of obnoxious per- 
sons, after being paraded through them, were publicly burnt. 
These transactions drew from Governor Wright a condem 
natory proclamation, but it formed no barrier to the irrepres- 
sible excitement ; it was but placing an obstruction in the 
stream of popular indignation, which only deepened its 
channel, and added impetuosity to its current. The Act 
was to take effect from the 1st of November, 1765, yet, as 
neither the papers nor the distributing officer had arrived, 
the Governor, by advice of his Council, on the 31st of Octo- 
ber, stopped the issue of all warrants and grants for land, 
and gave let-passes to the vessels, with a clause certifying 
the non-arrival of any stamped papers, or officer, in the Pro- 
vince. On the 5th of December, His Majesty's ship of war 
Speedwell, Capt. Fanshaw^ with the stamps, arrived in the 
River, and the papers were secretly transferred to Fort Hal- 
ifax, and placed under the care of the Commissary ; for the 
" Liberty Boys," as they were then termed, had entered 
into an association to prevent the distribution of the papers, 
and to compel the ofiicer to resign as soon as he arrived. 
To oppose these measures, Governor Wiight summoned 
all his energies, and labored day and night, in public and 
in private, and by his commanding influence, ably seconded 
by his Council, was temporarily successful. Secret meet- 
ings, however, were often held, all business was stopped, 
and the Province remained in a state of anxious agitation. 
On the 2d of July, about 3 P. M., Captains Milledgeand 
Powell, informed the Governor that nearly two hundred 
Liberty Boys had assembled together, threatening to break 
open the Fort, and destroy the papers. The Governor, 
arming himself, immediately ordered the two companies of 
Rangers, numbering fifty-four men, to attend him, marched 
with them to the Fort, took out the stamps, placed them in 
a cart, and escorted by the military, conveyed them to his 
mansion. The people looked on in sullen silence, but it 
was a silence that gave the Governor so much alarm, that 
for many days he kept a guard of forty men over his house, 
and for four nights was in such anxiety and fear that he 
never removed his clothes. The next day, about 1 o'clock, 
the Governor, by preconcerted signals, was made ac- 
quainted with the arrival of ]\Ir. Agnus, the stamp distrib- 
utor, at Tybee, and fearing the rage of the citizens, imme- 



Dr. Stevens^s Discourse. 9 

diately despatched an armed scout-boat with two or three 
friends of the government, who, with much secrecy, and a 
charge to allow him to speak to no one, brought him to the 
city on the 4th, where he was received by the Governor at 
his house, and that afternoon took the required oaths. But 
a few days residence at the Governor's, even with a guard 
mounted night and day, convinced him of his insecurity, 
and in a fortnight he left the city. Nor were these feeHngs 
confined to Savannah ; the mountains echoed back the 
voice of the sea-board, and every stream, as it rolled to the 
ocean, bore a tribute of patriotism on its bosom. The 
whole Province was aroused ; parties of armed men assem- 
bled in various places ; society was convulsed, and its tu- 
multuous heavings threatened general ruin and desolation. 
Then was exhibited, in an eminent degree, the zeal and en- 
ergy of the Governor, and such was his resolution and 
weight of character, that for a time, all rebellious proceedings 
ceased, and he could write, on the 15th of January, 1766, 
" every thing at present is easy and quiet, and I hope peace 
and confidence will be restored in general." A few days 
served, to dissipate this hope. About the 20th, menacing 
letters were sent to Governor Wright ; President Habers- 
ham was waylaid at night, his new and w^ell-stored house 
threatened with destrucdon, and he was obliged to take re- 
fuge in the garrisoned mansion of the Governor. 

Towards the close of January, a body of six hundred 
men assembled within a few miles of the city, and intimated 
to the Governor that unless the papers were removed from 
the place, they would march thither, raze his dwelling to 
the ground, attack the Fort, and destroy the Stamps. The 
Governor immediately sent the papers down to Fort 
George, at Cockspur, and placed them in charge of a Cap- 
tain, two subalterns and fifty privates of the Rangers. But 
even this was not deemed a sufficient security, and on the 
3d of February, they were once more removed, and finally 
deposited on board the man-of-war which had brought 
them to the colony. 

On the 4th of February, the town was again alarmed by 
the appearance on the common of between two and three 
hundred men, with arms and colors, clamorous for the re- 
dress of their grievances. The company of Rangers was 
ordered up from Cockspur, and all the regulars and volun- 

VOL. II. 2 



10 Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse, 

teers, (for the Governor dared not call out the militia, lest, 
as he said, " he should arm more against than for him,") 
together with a party of marines and seamen from the 
Speedwell, under Captain Fanshaw^ were marshaled for 
its defence. The force of the assailants was larger, but 
their numerical strength was more than counterbalanced, 
by the superior discipline and equipments of the governor's 
party. For several hours the aspect of affairs was critical, 
and lowering, and suspense added its harrowing influences 
to the trepidation of alarm. To the Provincials, the mo- 
ment was pregnant with the most solemn consequences. 
Should they advance ! it would be rebellion. Should they 
retire ! it would consummate their subjugation. The more 
daring and impetuous, urged them onward, but the cau- 
tious and discerning, counseled prudence, and after a few 
hours' parley with the Governor, in which nothing material 
was gained, they differed so much among themselves that, 
by evening, nearly all had dispersed, though a few at night 
burned an effigy of the Governor, holding in his hand the 
offensive circular of secretary Conway, of October 24th, 
1765. 

The situation of Governor Wright was one of singular 
trial and difficulty ; the Province w^as on the verge of civil 
war, and one act of indiscretion would have plunged it into 
its most ensanguined horrors. The whole military force of 
the colony, consisted of tw^o troops of Rangers, of sixty men 
each, and thirty of the Royal American Regiment, in all, 
one hundred and fifty men, officers and privates, who were 
distributed in five forts, widely separated, with no possibility 
of concerted action, and totally inadequate to sustain his 
executive authority. With this handful of soldiers, he had 
to contend with faction and disloyalty ; and so inefficient 
did he deem them, that he was on the point of writing to 
General Gage, and Lord Colville for further support. On 
the arrival of the stamps, there were between sixty and 
seventy sail in port waiting for clearance. The w4iole ex- 
porting produce of the province w'as shipped on board 
these vessels, and the necessities of the case seemed so 
urgent, that though the people refused to use stamps for 
any other purpose, they consented to employ them to clear 
out their ships, by which means the port was opened, 
though the courts remained closed, and every species of 



Dr. Stevens^s Discourse. 11 

judicial business was suspended. Such a course, gave 
much umbrage to the other colonies, and particularly to 
South Carolina. Governor Wright was termed by the 
Carolinians " a parricide," and Georgia " a pensioned gov- 
ernment," which had " sold her birthright for a mess of 
pottage, and whose inhabitants should be treated as slaves, 
without ceremony." Nor did they stop at invectives, and 
denunciations ; they resolved, " that no provisions should be 
shipped to that infamous colony, Georgia ;" " that every 
vessel trading there should be burnt ;" and " that whoso- 
ever should traffic with them should be put to death ;" 
and these were not idle threats, for two vessels, about sail- 
ing for Savannah, were captured before they had cleared 
the Charleston bar, were taken back to the city, condemned, 
and,, with their cargoes, destroyed. But the injustice of 
these measures towards Georgia, will be evident, when it 
is remembered, that, through the irresolution of Governor 
Bull, the port of Charleston itself was opened, under pre- 
tence that no stamped papers were to be had, when, in 
fact, they were lodged by his authority, in Fort Johnson ; 
whence, overawed by the populace, he dared not remove, 
or use them. Charleston, also, was a city of many thou- 
sand inhabitants, and its Governor, hesitating and timorous, 
while Savannah had hardly as many hundreds, controlled 
by a chief magistrate, whose energy and decision could 
neither be wearied by importunity, nor daunted by danger. 
Georgia did not deserve this reproach, for every thing 
which a province similarly situated could do, was done, and 
she rested not from her efforts, till the repeal of the act, 
and a change of ministry brought with them a temporary 
quiet and repose. In the great contest for popular rights, 
which began in 1765, and continued until the formation of 
the confederated government, every variety of character, 
interest, and passion, was enlisted. The cause was just 
and holy, but the instruments whereby it was achieved, too 
often, like the sword of Turnus, were forged in the fires of 
angry passion ; and not, like the heaven-made weapon of 
jiEneas, tempered with virtue and patriotism. It is not ne- 
cessary, because we have secured our independence, that 
we should sanction all the intemperate measures, which, 
under the name of freedom, were enacted by the factious 
turbulance of the populace. The principles, and the deeds, 



12 Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse. 

of many of the sons of liberty, were far from harmonizing 
with the spirit they professed, or the cause they espoused, 
and they degraded that cause, when they made it a screen 
for political licentiousness, for incendiary revenge, and for 
exemption from every law, human and divine. Especially 
was it to be deplored, when, as in the instance just recited, 
neighboring colonies were arrayed against each other, 
though both were struggling for the same end. While, in 
the ardor of impassioned feeling, they exclaimed with St. 
Paul, " I would they were even cut off, which trouble you," 
they forgot the injunction of the same Apostle, "Brethren, 
use not liberty for an occasion of the flesh, but by love, 
serve one another." Their malign anathemas and their 
restrictive edicts, only evinced the tyranny of irresponsible 
power, and were not the products of a liberal principle. 

We love liberty, true, and righteous liberty ; we love her, 
as she sits enthroned on mind ; dispelling its prejudices, 
illuming its darkness, and enlarging its borders. We love 
her, as she hovers over the press, unfettering its power, 
enhancing its influence, and causing it, hke the tree of life 
planted in Eden, to " scatter its leaves for the healing of the 
nations." We love her, as she stands by the altar of reli- 
gion, where, with one hand upon the scriptures of our com- 
mon faith, and the other upon the head of charity, she lifts 
her eyes of hope to heaven, her bosom, unsullied by big- 
otr}'', heaving only to the pulsations of a catholic benevo- 
lence. We love her, as she presides, our guardian genius, 
in the capitol of our nation ; a temple more glorious than 
that erected to her by the Roman Gracchus, on the summit 
of Aventine ; her shield, the charter of our rights, her cap 
and staff', the insignia of our independence. We love thee, 
Liberty ! We venerate thy glorious name ! Our fathers sealed 
themselves as thine by a covenant of blood, and we, their 
children, eschewing a saturnalian Ireedom, would each, like 
another Hannibal, place his hand upon thy altar, and swear 
eternal hate to despotism and tyranny. 

The restoration of order by the repeal of the Stamp Act, 
was, as Governor Wright well expressed it, "but a tempo- 
rary calm." On the 6th of January, 1767, Capt. Philips, 
commanding the lloyal Americans in South Carolina and 
Georgia, wrote to the Governor, stating the barrack-neces- 
saries he required, and desiring to know where he could 



Dr. Stevens'' s Discourse. 13 

procure them. The Governor sent the letter, with a mes- 
sage, to the Assembly, on the 20th, and on the 18th of Feb- 
ruary the House returned for answer, that " they humbly 
conceive their complying with the requisition, would be a 
violation of the trust reposed in them by their constituents, 
and founding a precedent they by no means think them- 
selves justifiable in introducing ;" and the Governor, finding 
them inflexible, and that nothing was or could be done with 
the terms of the " mutiny act," had only the mortification 
to transmit their proceedings to His Majesty's ministers. 

This act of Parliament, for quartering troops upon the 
Americans, and making them responsible for the means 
of subsistence and transportation, was but another phasis of 
the plan of taxation, and under whatever form such a prin- 
ciple was avowed, it could never be countenanced or sus- 
tained. The British Constitution solemnly guaranteed to 
every man the property which he had honestly acquired, 
and left the disposal of it to his own election, with which, 
neither corporations or government could at all interfere, 
without his consent, expressed by himself or his accredited 
representative. If the Americans could be taxed without 
their agreement, by any laws of whatever name, or if sol- 
diers could be quartered in their houses without their con- 
sent, it was a palpable violation of the " indefeasible birth- 
right of a British subject," and justified the language of the 
Massachusetts Assembly to their Agent, that if they were 
taxed without representation they were slaves. It was in 
truth, making the Americans " tenants at will of liberty," 
a tenure from which they were liable to be ejected at any 
moment, and which reduced them from the condition of 
free subjects, to the ignominious vassalage of bondmen. 
Nor would the condition of things have been altered had the 
King and Ministry been of a lenient temper. It was the 
principle which the Colonists contended for, and they justly 
reasoned with Cicero, that though the sovereign did not op- 
press and tyrannize, the condition of his subjects was still 
miserable ; that he had the power, if he but exercised his 
will. 

This repudiation of the mutiny act, was followed by a 
refusal to comply with a clause suggested by the Governor 
and Council, to be appended to two bills granting ferries, 
providing for the free carriage of postmen, according to the 



14 Dr. Stevens's Discourse. 

statute of 9th Anne, chapter 10, section 29, "because they 
would not seem to adopt or submit to an act of Parliament." 

On the displacing of Mr. Knox as Agent of the Col- 
ony by the Assembly, the Governor desired them to 
appoint Mr. Cumberland, but they refused, and gave the 
place to Mr. Samuel Garth, Agent for the Province of 
South Carolina. But the Governor and Council declined 
to recognise him as such, and used their private and cor- 
porate influence, to prevent his being accredited as Agent by 
any of the Boards in London. In this, the Governor and 
Council were right, and the lower House wrong ; for, cer- 
tainly, it was impolitic to appoint the same Agent for con- 
tiguous provinces, between which causes of altercation 
were frequently occurring, and in the present instance were 
actually pending, who could not be impartial to either, with- 
out meeting opposition from both. But such was the zeal 
of the commons for the sustainance of their prerogative, 
that no consideration weighed, when a compromise of that 
was required. Having thus thwarted the Governor, and 
in a variety of ways evinced their contempt of the au- 
thority of Parliament, they presented a petition to the Gov- 
ernor, desiring " that he would dissolve them," the object 
of which appears to be, that by the new election which 
would ensue, a still larger majority of liberal delegates 
would be returned : the political strength of the existing 
House, being seven Royalists, and eighteen Liberty Boys. 

These proceedings were immediately represented to the 
King, and the Earl of Shelburne, His Majesty's principal 
secretary for the southern colonies, wrote to Governor 
Wright, that "it is scarce possible to conceive to what 
motives to attribute a conduct so infatuated, in a province 
lately erected, and which has been so singularly favored 
and protected by the mother country." " And I have it," 
says the Earl, " in command from His Majesty, to inform 
you that he expects and requires, that the Commons House 
of Assembly of Georgia, will render an exact and complete 
obedience in all respects whatever, to the terms of the 
mutiny act." To punish the Assembly for their refusal to 
comply with its requisitions. General Gage withdrew all the 
troops from the Province, thus leaving the forts unmanned 
and the settlements without defence. This was a chas- 
tisement as arbitrary as 't was severe ; but it was a two- 



Dr. Stevens's Discourse. 15 

edged sword ; for, while the people complained of it as ex- 
posing them to the mercy of their slave population, and the 
attacks of Indians, whose hostile intentions had already 
been strongly evinced, the Governor, also, lamented the 
measure, as cutting him off from the only means whereby 
to enforce his Majesty's authority ; and the matter, at the 
next session, was mutually and happily adjusted. 

While however Georgia experienced, in common with 
the other colonies, the usurpations of Parliament, she had 
grievances peculiar to herself which greatly increased her 
opposition to the mother country. To facilitate the opera- 
tions of trade, provincial paper, to the amount of seven 
thousand four hundred and ten pounds, had been issued by 
act of the assembly, in 1761, which bills were current at 
par both in Georgia and Florida. The merchants and 
traders, finding this sum insufficient, for mercantile pur- 
poses, now petitioned both houses of assembly for relief 
" from the want of a sufficient currency, in a province 
where, by the peculiar situation of its commerce, and pro- 
duce, they are precluded from the advantage of receiving 
any quantity of bullion, or retaining what little they may 
receive." It was proposed, therefore, to recall the old 
emission, and issue new paper to the amount of twenty 
thousand pounds. In support of this measure, the growth 
of the colony, and the increased demand for an augmenta- 
tion of its circulating medium were urged, with much zeal 
and cogency. Within the previous seven years the Pro- 
vince had doubled its inhabitants. From forty-four vessels 
loaded in 1760, there were 173 cleared in 1766. Property 
had risen, and every thing bore a proportionable value. 
But the Governor, though he thought the present bills of 
credit too limited, conceived that the sum of twenty thou- 
sand pounds was too large, and supposed that twelve thou- 
sand would meet the emergency. In this the Governor 
was doubdess correct, for, as he justly observed, " every 
hundred pounds more paper currency than is really neces- 
sary for the daily or common occurrences will prove injuri- 
ous," by depreciating its value, increasing the rate of ex- 
change, preventing the circulation of sterling money, and 
producing a fictitious wealth which the intrinsic condition 
of the colony could not by any means support. His coun- 
sel, however, was unheeded ; .the question was made tribu- 



16 Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse. 

tary to the absorbing theme of parliamentary wrongs, and 
joined by the upper house, they jiresented a petition to the 
king for the relief they desired, who, however, refused their 
prayer. 

On the 25th of March, 1765, the assembly passed an act 
" for the better ordering and governing of negroes," <Slc. 
and on the 6th of March, 1766, " an act for encouraging set- 
tlers to come into the province." Both of these laws were 
founded in strong necessity. The very existence of the 
colony depended on the former, and its prosperity and 
increase on the latter. Judge, then, of the dismay both of 
the governor and assembly, when the Royal disallowance 
to them arrived. They were astounded at the interference 
of the prerogative to such wholesome and equitable meas- 
ures, and the Governor, who declared that " without the 
negro law no man's life or property would be safe a mo- 
ment," was compelled to disobey his instructions, and frame 
a new bill, with a different title, but of the same provisions. 
Operating upon minds already excited, these refusals irri- 
tated the people to an intense degree, who felt with peculiar 
poignancy such kingly vetoes. No wonder, then, that the 
Governor said of the assembly, that " though he had hither- 
to kept them within tolerably decent bounds, yet that he 
had lately discovered more than ever, a strong propensity 
to be as considerable an independent, as they term it, of the 
British Parliament or of the sovereignty of Great Britain, as 
any of the northern colonies." 

On the 11th of April, 1768, Benjamin Franklin w^as ap- 
pointed Agent, to solicit the affairs of this Province in Eng- 
land, and a committee of both houses selected to correspond 
with him. This appointment was as honorable to those who 
conferred, as to him who received it. The fame of Franklin 
had extended over Europe. His dignified manners, his pro- 
found knowledge, his grand discoveries in physical science, 
and his uncompromising support of colonial rights, conspired 
to render him the noblest representative which Georgia 
could select for that critical period; and he was pronounced 
by Lord Chatham, in the House of Lords, " an honor not 
only to Europe but to the age in which he lived." When 
he appeared at the bar of the House of Lords, every gallery 
and avenue was crowded with anxious listeners ; at the 
Privy Council, his earnest elocjuence gained him respect and 



Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse. 17 

admiration, and he, "who with the thunder talked as friend 
to friend " and made the lightnings the garland of his fame, 
could listen unmoved, to the philippics of his enemies, and 
fearlessly assert the claims of America amidst the lowering 
frowns of nobles and princes. Despising every preferment 
which royalty could ofier, he devoted himself to the meliora- 
tion of his country's wrongs, saying to the distressed colo- 
nist, even in the midst of a popularity, such as no American 
had ever before possessed, thy people shall be my people, 
and thy cause my cause. Such was Georgia's Agent, who 
for five years represented her at the offices in England, and 
who ever stood forth her undaunted champion, in every hour 
of dansjer and of trial. The onerous enactments of Pariia- 
ment called forth, from nearly every province, petitions, re- 
monstrances and addresses. On the 11th of February, 1768, 
the Massachusetts House of Representatives addressed a 
letter to the various colonial assemblies, setting forth the con- 
dition of American grievances and soliciting a union of peti- 
tions to the King and the two Houses of Parliament. The 
Georgia Assembly had adjourned when the circular arrived, 
but Mr. Alexander Wylly, the speaker, replied to it "as a 
private person," and stated, that "the Assembly had instruct- 
ed Doctor Franklin to join with the other agents in solicit- 
ing a repeal of these acts and in remonstrating against any 
of like nature for the future." When the Assembly met, 
this letter, and the Virginia Resolves, were taken into con- 
sideration, and, though Governor Wright used every means 
to prevent their countenancing "the Boston Letter," as he 
termed it, though he expostulated with the leading members, 
and harangued the whole body in the council chamber, 
and though, as he said, " he clearly convinced them of the 
absurdity of it," yet the House, almost unanimously, passed 
similar resolves, and so effectually did they steal a march 
upon the wary Governor, that he himself says "every thing 
was prepared and done before I could prevent it." In con- 
sequence of this, the Governor immediately dissolved the 
Assembly, not however before warning them "that if Amer- 
ica was to become independent of the mother country, from 
that day you may date thu foundation of your ruin and 
misery." Had he possessed the true spirit of vaticination, 
instead of predicting misery and ruin as the consequences of 
that independence, he would have foreseen peace and pros- 

VOL. II. 3 



18 Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse. 

perity ; and, in prophetic visions of our future greatness, 
would have exclaimed with the son of Beor, " Blessed is he 
that blesseth thee, and cursed is he that curseth thee." 
Finding all appeals to the throne unheeded, the Americans 
determined to redress themselves, and one of the primary 
measures adopted was, a suspension of all commercial deal- 
ings with Great Britain except for such articles as were ab- 
solutely and unequivocally necessary. Such non-intercourse 
could not fail of producing the most disastrous results in the 
mother country, whose prosperity was so intimately blended 
with the colonial trade. Mi*. Grenville, Lord of the Treas- 
ury, asserted, that " every inhabitant of the colonies employs 
four at home." " It was American trade," said the Earl of 
Chatham to the Peers, " which triumphantly carried you 
through the last war," and the eloquent Burke declared in 
the House ef Commons, "that whatever England had been 
growing to by a progressive increase of improvements brought 
in by varieties of people, by succession of civilizing conquests 
and civilizing settlements in a series of seventeen hundred 
years, you shall see as much added to her by America in a 
single life." It was hoped, therefore, that the withdrawal of 
such important resources, and the misery consequent on such 
a procedure, might work that change in the ministry, which 
all the petitions and remonstrances had failed to effect. 
This plan was suggested as early as April, 1768, by the 
Boston merchants, but the Assembly of Virginia, in June, 
1769, was the first legislative body which adopted resolves 
of non-importation and which, ere long, were sanctioned by 
the other colonies. 

On the 16th of September, 1769, a meeting of the 
merchants and traders of Savannah was held at the house 
of Mr. Alexander Creighton, at which they resolved " that 
any person or persons whatsoever importing any of the 
articles subject to parliamentary duties, after having it 
in their power to prevent it, ought not. only to be treated 
with contempt, but also as enemies of their country." 
Three days after, a larger meeting was convened, with the 
Hon. Jonathan Bryan, one of the Governor's Council, in the 
chair; at which the same subjtct was renewedly canvassed, 
and resolves of non-importation, mostly similar to the other 
colonies, unanimously passed. One of the resolves, based 
on the sentiments of the Bostonians in 1765, was, to abolish 



Dr. Stevens'' s Discourse. 19 

mourning at funerals,, as the black stuffs used for such pur- 
poses were of British manufacture. Yes, rather than submit 
to an arbitrary taxation, the son could bury his father with- 
out the garments of the mourner, the bereaved husband 
forego the weeds of his affliction, and the mother commit 
her first born to the grave, with no habiliments of maternal 
•sorrow ; the weeping eye, the widowed bosom, the break- 
ing heart, ay, even death, and the grave, could not separate 
them from their beloved liberty ! Subdue such men ! Soon- 
er would the raging waves of the Hellespont be calmed by 
the chains of Xerxes, than the spirit of freemen be lashed 
into obedience by the iron thongs of a vindictive ministry. 

For the part which Mr. Bryan took in this meeting, he was, 
by command of the King, displaced from the council, and 
thus became the first object of royal vengeance in Georgia. 
Carrying out into detail the fundamental principle, that there 
should be no taxation where there was no representation, 
the Assembly, in 1769, inserted a clause in the annual tax 
bill exempting the four southern parishes from taxation, be- 
cause they were allowed no members in the legislature, and 
this decisive stand produced in due time the required writs 
of election for the vacant parishes. There was a constant 
struggle between the Governor and the Assembly, the former 
asserting, that they arrogated to themselves the prerogatives 
of Parliament, that they exercised indecorous privileges, and 
usurped authority which the Royal instructions never vested 
in that body. The Assembly, on the other hand, claimed to 
be the sole legislative body, to be the only exponents of con- 
stitutional right, and the only depositary of political power ; 
that they would be under no executive dictation, and sub- 
mit to no infringement of their rights. Twice had the Gov- 
ernor dissolved the Assembly ; but the time had now arrived 
when a new agent of royal power was to be employed in 
humbling their pretensions to the supreme control of the 
colony. 

At the opening of the Assembly, in 1770, Doctor Noble 
Wimberly Jones, one of the morning stars of liberty in Geor- 
gia, was unanimously elected Speaker; but the Governor 
put a negative on his election, and sent the House back to 
make a new choice. This proscription, which was designed 
as a rebuke to Doctor Jones, was more honorable to him 
than the commission which authorized it, and ranked him at 



20 Dr. Stevens's Discourse. 

once, with Otis, negatived by Sir Francis Bernard ; and with 
Hancock, negatived by Hutchinson. To them, the intended 
stigma, though for the moment mortifying to personal pride, 
was like the honorable wound of the soldier, the proud scar 
of a contest, which rescued almost a hemisphere from thral- 
dom. The Assembly resented this insult to their elective 
franchise, and passed a resolution complimenting Doctor 
Jones, and declaring " that the sense and approbation this 
House entertain of his conduct, can never be lessened by 
any slight cast upon him in opposition to the unanimous 
voice of the Commons House of Assembly in particular, 
and the Province in general." And they furthermore re- 
solved, "that this rejection by the Governor of a Speaker 
unanimously elected, was a high breach of the privileges of 
the House, and tended to subvert the most valuable rights 
and liberties of the people and their representatives." This 
bold assertion was termed by the Council, a "most indecent 
and insolent denial of his Majesty's authority ;" and the 
Governor at once dissolved the Assembly. 

On the 10th of July, 1771, the Governor, availing him- 
self of his Majesty's leave of absence, returned to England, 
and the administration devolved on James Habersham, the 
President of the Council, whose thorough knowledge of the 
Colony, whose long experience in public affairs, whose pure 
and upright character, and whose Fabrician firmness, emi- 
nently fitted him for this responsible station. But the part 
which he was called to act, by the royal mandate, was ex- 
ceedingly repugnant to his generous nature. His orders, 
however, were imperative, and compliance was unavoidable. 
In consequence of the resolutions of the last Assembly, 
which denied the authority of the Governor to negative their 
choice of a Speaker, the King commanded Mr. Habersham 
to signify his disapprobation of their conduct, and that he 
should, for the purpose of renewedly testing the question 
and to compel them to obedience, negative whoever might be 
first chosen as their next Speaker. The Assembly met on 
the 21st of April, 1772, and Doctor Jones was elected, who, 
on being presented to President Habersham, was, by virtue of 
his instructions, negatived. On a second ballot he was again 
elected, and again rejected. At the third trial, he was still 
their choice, but declining to serve, Archibald Bullock was 
chosen, whom the President accepted. But when, on exarain- 



Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse. 21 

ing the journal of the House the next day, he ascertained 
the third election of Dr. Jones, of which he was hitherto is:- 
norant, he sent them word to suspend all business until that 
minute was erased ; but as the House resolutely refused to 
expunge it, he ordered the Assembly to be dissolved. 
These repeated interruptions in colonial legislation produced 
serious and alarming consequences. The treasury was over- 
drawn, and no provision made to replenish it ; statutes of 
importance had expired, and no new enactments supplied 
their places ; the judiciary was deranged, and no means 
were adopted to rectify it ; and new necessities, civil and 
legal, had arisen, requiring legislative action, but the conven- 
tions of that body had been rudely dissolved, and the politi- 
cal existence of the colony was vitally endangered. These 
oppressions increased the adherents of the colonial cause. 
The flattering promises of the ministry to redress their griev- 
ances, had not been fulfilled, but new sources of distress had 
augmented those already existing, and cloud upon cloud, 
each darker and more foreboding than the former, was cast- 
ing its gloom over their firmament. The passage of the Bos- 
ton Port Bill, March 31st, 1774, by which Parliament pre- 
cluded all commerce with that city ; followed by another 
which deprived Massachusetts of its chartered privileges ; 
together with a law for sending state criminals to England 
" to be butchered in the King's Bench," hurried on the ca- 
tastrophe of war. 

The designs of George the Third were now unmasked, 
and Lord North boldly declared that he would not listen to 
the complaints of America until she was at his feet. The 
words, indeed, were those of the favorite minister, but the 
sentiment was the King's. " I attribute," said General Con- 
way, in the House of Commons, " the very disagreeable situ- 
ation we are now in, to the weakness of our counsels, and to 
a series of misconducts ;" but he looked only to visible and 
secondary causes ; he saw but the external machinery, and 
not the motive power which originated its operations ; for, 
had the gallant soldier advanced one step beyond, he would 
have discovered the cause in the personal feelings of his 
Prince, wrought up to desperation by the oppugnation of his 
prerogative, not only by the Americans, but also by the op- 
position he experienced in Pariiament, where " that trumpet 
of sedition," as he termed Lord Chatham, made the walls of 



22 Dr. Stevens^s Discourse. 

St. Stephens ring with the defence of oppressed millions. 
"If the people will not stand by me," said he, not once, or 
twice, or thrice, merely, when, stung almost to madness by 
the conduct of the Whigs, he threatened to abdicate. " If the 
people will not stand by me, they shall have another King." 
And when Lord North, like a wise Palinurus, foreseeing the 
danger, desired to retire from the helm of state, it was the 
constraining importunity of the King, which alone kept him 
at his post. The machiavelian fiction, which, making the 
ministers amenable for political failures, asserts that " the 
King can do no wrong," turned, indeed, the storm of a na- 
tion's wrath from this monarch, upon his officials ; but it is 
nevertheless true, that the severe measures pursued towards 
America, originated oftener with the King than with the Pre- 
mier, and that the very effort to accomplish his absorbing 
idea, " the preservation of the empire," resulted, through his 
obdurate rancor, in its irretrievable disunion. Whatever 
might have been the effect of conciliatory measures, had they 
been pursued prior to the passage of these acts, it was now 
too late. The favorable moment had passed, and the thir- 
teen colonies of America were lost to him forever. Remon- 
strances had failed ; petitions had failed ; defensive measures 
had failed ; and, in common with the other Provinces, Geor- 
gia, the last settled, and the last to renounce allegiance to 
the Crown, addressed herself to the sacrifice of every thing 
but liberty. 

On the 20th of July, 1774, a notice appeared in the Geor- 
gia Gazette, calling a meeting of the inhabitants for the 27th, 
to take into consideration these and other proceedings of 
Parliament, and John Glen was chosen Chairman. Letters 
were read from the various committees of correspondence, 
and resolutions discussed, of similar tenor to those of the 
northern associations. But, in order that the whole Col- 
ony might be represented, and take part in this matter, 
the meeting was adjourned to the 10th of August, when a 
series of resolutions was unanimously agreed upon, declar- 
ing the Boston Port Bill, and other arbitrary enactments 
"contrary to natural justice and the spirit of the English 
Constitution." A committee was also appointed to receive 
subscriptions for the suff'ering Bostonians, and such was the 
ardor of their sympathy, that in a few hours, six hundred 
tierces of rice were contributed, few subscribing less than ten 



Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse. 23 

casks each. The question was also discussed at this meet- 
ing, whether deputies should be sent to join the deputies of 
the other colonies, at the general Congress, which passed in 
the negative, owing to the illicit voting of some of the gov- 
ernment officials. The parish of St. Johns, (now Liberty 
County,) dissented from this negative, and on the 30th of 
August resolved, " that if the majority of the other parishes 
would unite with them, they would send deputies to join the 
general committee, and faithfully and religiously abide by 
and conform to such determination and resolutions as should 
be then entered into, and come from thence recommended ;" 
and the articles of the Continental Association, emanating 
from that body, were adopted by the St. Johns people, on 
the 1st of December. On the 8th of December, fifteen 
deputies were chosen in Savannah, to meet with those elected 
from other Parishes, in Provincial Congress, on the 18th of 
January, 1775. The General Assembly met also on that day, 
and the critical situation of American affairs occupied a pro- 
minent place in the speech of the Governor, and the answers of 
both branches of the Legislature. But though he urged 
them to discountenance the resolutions of the other colonies, 
the Assembly almost unanimously adopted those passed by 
the Continental Congress, on the 14th of October, 1774, set- 
ting forth, in the strongest light, the oppressive measures of the 
ministry towards America. 

While this body was thus engaged, the deputies to the 
Provincial Congress had convened, and on the 23d of Jan- 
uary, forty-five of them entered into a non-importation, non- 
consumption, and non-exportation association, to which they 
solemnly bound themselves to adhere. On the same day, 
Archibald Bullock, Noble Wimberly Jones, and John Hous- 
ton, were elected delegates to the General Congress, to 
convene in Philadelphia, in May, 1775. To these proceed- 
ings the people of St. Johns took exceptions, because they 
extended the time for closing the port from the 1st of De- 
cember to the 15th of March, which they declared contra- 
vened the purposes of the Association. The Committee of 
that parish accordingly withdrew from the Provincial Con- 
gress, on the 21st of January, alleging that the committees 
of the several parishes now sitting, are not, and cannot be 
called a Provincial Congress, because the greater number of 
parishes in this province are not represented therein ; but 



24 Dr. Stevens^s Discourse. 

this was erroneous, as seven of the twelve parishes sent del- 
egates to the meeting. On the 9th of February, therefore, 
they addressed a letter to the General Committee in Charles- 
ton, praying to be received into their Association, and de- 
puted Daniel Roberts, Samuel Stevens and Joseph Wood, to 
present the same. But the Carolinians refused the petition, 
on the ground of its militating with the 14th article of their 
Continental Association, which precluded all intercourse with 
a province, not acceding to the full terms of their Associa- 
tion. Baffled on this point, they determined to apply to the 
Philadelphia Congress, and having the port of Sunbury in 
their district, prohibited all dealings with Savannah, and on 
the 25th of March, elected Doctor Lyman Hall as a dele- 
gate to Congress, who, under certain restrictions, was ad- 
mitted into that august body. 

At this period the paiish of St. John possessed nearly one 
third of the entire wealth of the province ; and its inhabit- 
ants were remarkable for their upright and independent char- 
acter. Sympathizing, from their New England origin, more 
strongly with the northern distresses than the other parts 
of Georgia, and being removed from the immediate supervi- 
sion of the Governor and his Council, they pressed on with 
greater ardor and a firmer step than her sister parishes. 

The time for action had arrived, and the irresolution of fear 
had no place in their decisive councils. Alone she stood, a 
Pharos of Liberty in England's most loyal province, renounc- 
ing every fellowship that savored not of freedom, and refusing 
every luxury which contributed to ministerial coffers. With 
a halter around her neck, and the gallows before her eyes, 
she severed herself from surrounding associations, and cast 
her lot, while as yet all was gloom and darkness, with the 
fortunes of her country, to live with her rights, or die in their 
defence. Proud spot of Georgia's soil ! Well does it de- 
serve the appellation which a grateful state conferred upon 
it, and truly may we say of its sons, in the remembrance of 
their patriotic sacrifices, "nothing was wanting to their glory, 
they were wanting to ours." 

The hesitation on the part of the other parishes in Geor- 
gia to adopt all the measures of Congress, was the theme 
of violent and unjustifiable denunciation. A momentary 
glance at the condition of Georgia, will remove these un- 
founded aspersions. According to the'returns of Governor 



Di\ Sievensh Discourse. 25 

Wright to the Lords of Trade, the population of Georgia in 
1774, was but seventeen thousand whites, and fifteen thou- 
sand blacks ; and the entire militia, between the ages of six- 
teen and sixty, numbered only two thousand eight hundred 
and twenty-eight, scattered from Augusta to St. Mary's. 
Within her borders, and along her frontier, were the Creeks, 
with four thousand gun men, the Chickasaws with four hun- 
dred and fifty gun men, the Cherokees with three thousand 
gun men, and the Choctaws with two thousand five hun- 
dred gun men, comprising all together, over forty thousand 
Indians, ten thousand of whom were warriors, and all, by 
means of presents and the influence of Captain Stuart and 
Mr. Cameron, were firm in their alliance with the royal party, 
and could be brought in any numbers against the colony. 
On the south, lay the garrisoned province of Florida with a 
large military force under Governor Tonyn, and hordes of 
tory bandits waiting for the signal of the spoiler. On the 
east was a long line of seaboard, with many fine harbors, 
sheltered bays, large rivers, well-stocked islands, and every 
thing inviting for a naval depredation. And the Earl of Dart- 
mouth had directed General Gage and Admiral Graves, to 
furnish Governor Wright with any force, military and naval, 
which he might require. Besides these motives, which ad- 
dressed themselves to the fears of the colonists, there were 
others, which partook of a moral character. Since its setde- 
ment, Georgia had received, by grant of Parliament, nearly a 
million of dollars, in addition to the bounties which had been 
lavished on the silk culture, indigo, and other agricultural 
products. This consideration weighed with much force on 
njany minds, and on such, the Governor took every occasion 
to impress the baseness of ingratitude towards a sovereign 
whose paternal care had been so largely exerted in their 
behalf. Each of the other colonies also had a charter upon 
which to base some right, or claim of redress, but Georgia 
had none. When the trustees' patent expired in 1752, all 
her chartered privileges became extinct. On its erection 
into a royal province, the commission of the Governor was 
her only constitution, she had no fixed and fundamental basis, 
but lived upon the will of the monarch, the mere creature of 
his volition. At the head of the government was Sir James 
Wright, Bart., who, for fourteen years, had presided over it 
with singular ability and acceptance. When he arrived in 

VOL. II. 4 



26 Dr. Stevejis^s Discourse. 

1760, the colony was languishing under the accumulated mis- 
management of the former trustees, and more recent Gov- 
ernors. But his zeal and efforts soon changed its aspect to 
health and vigor. He guided it into the avenues of wealth, 
he sought out the means of its advancement; his prudence 
secured the amity of the Indians ; and his negotiations added 
millions of acres to its territory. Diligent in his office, firm 
in his resolves, loyal in his opinions, courteous in his manners, 
and possessed of a vigorous and well-balanced mind, he ruled 
the province more by suasion and argument than by menace 
and force. Instead of being, like many of the royal Gov- 
ernors, obnoxious, he was beloved by his people, and though 
he differed from the majority of them as to the cause of their 
distresses, and the means for their removal, he never allowed 
himself to be betrayed into one act of violence, or into any 
course of outrage and revenge. The few years of his ad- 
ministration were the only happy ones Georgia ever enjoyed, 
until after the revolution ; and to his energy and devoted- 
ness, mainly, is to be attributed her civil and commercial 
prosperity. With these obstacles within and around her, is 
it to be wondered that Georgia hesitated and wavered ? that 
she feared to assume a responsibility which threatened inevi- 
tably to crush her? Her little phalanx of patriots, but little 
outnumbering the band of Leonidas, were men of Spartan 
hearts ; but Spartan hearts, even at Thermopyhne, could not 
resist the hosts of the Persians ; and what had they to hope, 
in her feeble state, her inhabitants rent with discord, her me- 
tropolis filled with placemen and officers, her seaboard guard- 
ed by a fleet, and her frontier for too hundred and fifty miles, 
gleaming with the tomahawk of the scalper, and the fires of 
the warrior's wigwam ? If there ever was a time for Georgia 
to falter, it was then ; and falter she did, — but only for a mo- 
ment, for, soon summoning her energies, she cast aside all 
fear, and commending her cause to the God of battles, joined 
in the sacred league of independence. 

The attempted seizure of the military stores at Concord 
and Lexington, and the battles consequent on that proce- 
dure, impressed the Americans with the necessity of securing 
all provincial munitions, and preserving them for colonial use. 
Accordingly, on the night of the 11th of May, 1775, the day 
after the news of the first skirmish with the British troops 
had arrived, Noble Wimberly Jones, Joseph Habersham, and 



Di\ Stevensh Discourse. 27 

Edward Telfair, with a few others, broke open the King's 
magazine, at the eastern part of the city, and took from it 
over five hundred pounds of powder, part of which they 
sent to Boston, where it was used in the battle of Bunker 
Hill; thus uniting, on that field, the heroism of Massachu- 
setts and of Georgia, joining them, at the cannon's mouth, in 
the first great contest of the revolution, to be disunited, — 
never. 

On Monday, the 5th of June, the first liberty pole was 
erected in Georgia, and such was still the desire of the 
people for reconciliation on constitutional principles, that 
it was erected on the day celebrating His Majesty's birth ; 
and, at the dinner immediately after, amid the discharge of 
artillery, under the fold of the liberty flag, the first toast 
drank was, "the King;" the second, "American Liberty." 

On the 22d of June, a Council of Safety was appointed, 
and on the 15th of July, Archibald Bullock, John Houston, 
Rev. John J. Zubly, D. D., Doctor Noble Wimberly Jones, 
and Doctor Lyman Hall, were elected delegates to Congress, 
four of whom presented their credentials to that body, Sep- 
tember 13th, 1775. Thus the confederation of the colonies 
was rendered complete ; the first requisite for successful re- 
sistance. 

The resolves of non-importation, passed by the Provincial 
Congress, on the 6th of July, 1775, were to take effect on 
the 10th of September, by which all trade with Great Brit- 
ain, the West Indies, and every colony which had not agreed 
to the rules of the Continental Association, ceased. By no 
circumstance was the firmness of Georgia more tested, than 
by the support of this Association. Nearly half of its pop- 
ulation were slaves, grouped in various numbers on scattered 
plantations, dependent on their masters. Whose supplies were 
thus cut off without a possibility of present relief. Vessels, 
indeed, frequently arrived with the necessaries required, but 
the continental articles were rigidly enforced, and they de- 
parted without opening their cargo or coming up to town. 
The self-denial of the Georgians w-as the more conspicuous, 
in that they had none of the internal resources possessed 
by the northern colonies. Their staple products were rice, 
lumber, indigo, skins, &:c., which found their market in the 
West Indies, or Great Britain, and were there exchanged for 
commodities needed at home ; but this trafhc was now closed. 



28 Dr. Stevens^s Discourse: 

Of bullion they had been nearly drained by northern traders 
who would take only specie for their articles; and their 
paper currency was daily depreciating. Manufactures 
they had none, and the precarious trade on which they de- 
pended for supplies, was not at all adequate to their de- 
mands, for, in addition to the usual dangers of the sea, their 
proximity to the naval rendezvous of Bermuda, the refugee 
province of Florida, and the fleet-covered Archipelago of the 
West Indies, enhanced to such a degree the hazard of com- 
mercial intercourse, even with the parts which were open, that 
twenty per cent, was often demanded for insuring vessels 
bound to the southern provinces, and soon, no policy, at any 
premium, could be obtained for a clearance to Savannah. 
The ships with their cargoes lay idly in our waters, or, at- 
tempting to run out, were seized by the enemy. The wheels 
of the saw-mills stopped, because there was no demand for 
lumber; the spade and the hoe rested in the field, for their 
use, save for the purposes of domestic consumption, realized 
no gains, and conferred no benefit: the whole industrial ma- 
chinery of the province was suddenly arrested, and distress 
flung her tattered mantle over the once blooming fields, and 
flourishing hamlets of Georgia. But patriotism hushed every 
repining murmur, and they counted not their own lives dear 
unto them, if they might but successfully maintain the cause 
of freedom. 

Tn June, 1775, Governor Wright wrote to the Earl of Dart- 
mouth, " a few troops twelve months ago would have kept all 
the southern provinces out of rebellion ;" and, according to 
the direction of the noble Earl, the Governor, that same 
month, wrote to General Gage and Admiral Graves, soliciting 
immediate assistance, which would have been promptly ren- 
dered, but for the interception of the letters by the Commit- 
tee of Safety at Charleston, and their transmitting by the 
post others, stating that Georgia was quiet, and no occasion 
existed for the troops or vessels which they had been com- 
manded to hold subject to his order. The ships and soldiers 
were consequently withheld, and it was not until Sir James 
Wright, casually meeting General Gage in London, some 
years after, inquired the cause of his non-compliance with so 
pressing a request, that the forgery was revealed to them. 

In consequence of the arrival of several men-of-war at 
Tybee on the 17th, the Council of Safety, on the 18th of 



Dr. Stevens^s Discourse. 29 

January, 1776, resolved to secure the person of Sir James 
Wright, to prevent his communicating with the officers on 
board, and thereby assisting their operations against the 
State. Joseph Habersham, a youthful patriot, undertook the 
task. Proceeding that very afternoon to the house of the 
Governor, who had assembled a few officers at a dinner 
party ; he passed the sentinel at the door, entered the hall, 
bowed politely to the company, then marched to the head of 
the table, and laying his hand upon the shoulder of the Gov- 
ernor, said, " Sir, you are my prisoner." The party, aston- 
ished at his boldness, and supposing, from his firm manner, 
that a large force was surrounding them, fled in the utmost 
precipitation through doors and windows. The Governor 
gave his solemn parole, but on the night of the llth of Feb- 
ruary, he escaped from his house, went in haste to Bona- 
venture, and thence in an open boat to the Scarborough, of 
twenty guns. Captain Barclay, where he arrived at three 
o'clock in the morning. This deed was one of the most sig- 
nal instances of deliberate and daring prowess, in the history 
of the war. For a youth of twenty-four, unarmed and un- 
supported, to enter the mansion of the Chief Magistrate, and 
at his own table, in broad day light, and amidst a circle of 
officers, each of whom had some weapon of defence, and 
place him under arrest, is an act of heroism ranking with the 
most brilliant exploits of Roman or of Grecian fame. It was 
the sublimity of courage. Some months previous to this, 
Sir James Wright had asked leave to return to England, say- 
ing in his letter soliciting permission, " that a King's Gov- 
ernor has little or no business here," and this request had 
been granted. Colonel Campbell being appointed to the 
provisional magistracy, until the occupation of Savannah by 
the British forces, under Provost, when, in 1780, Sir James 
again assumed the government. From his retreat in the Scar- 
borough, he wrote to the Assembly, desiring them to procure 
fresh supplies for the fleet ; but they refused, and the vigi- 
lance of the Council of Safety prevented its obtaining any, 
except by rifling the vessels, which attempted to elude the 
blockade. Pacific negotiations having failed, force was re- 
sorted to, for the purpose of capturing the eleven rice ships 
which lay under the blufT, waiting to proceed to sea. On the 
last of February, 1776, the Scarborough, Hiclinbroke, St. 
John, and two large transports, with soldiers, came up the 



30 l^r. Stevens^s Discourse. 

river, and anchored at " five fathoms." This was a demon- 
stration not to be misunderstood. On the 2d of March, the 
Council of Safety convened, and passed a resolution, '* that 
all the shipping in port be dismantled, and that the valu- 
ation of the houses of those appertaining to the friends of 
America be taken, for the purpose of burning the same, ra- 
ther than suffer the British to possess them. And with a 
devotion akin to that of Decius and Codrus, not one dissent- 
ing voice was raised against the measure, though the enforc- 
ing of it would make nearly every member of the Council a 
beggar. What said the Carolinians now 1 They, who but a 
few years before, termed Georgia, " that infamous colony?" 
and who scarcely a twelvemonth back had resolved "to hold 
her inhabitants as inimical to the liberties of their country?" 
What thought they of those daring measures ? Their Pro- 
vincial Congress, in a letter signed by its President, Mr. 
Henry Drayton, declared it " noble, patriotic, vigorous," and 
that "it was an instance of heroic principle, not exceeded by 
any, and equalled but by few, in history." 

Having previously sounded Back river, two of the vessels 
on the 2d of March sailed up that channel. One anchored 
directly opposite the town, and the other grounded at the 
west end of Hutchinson's Island in attempting to pass round 
it and come down upon the shipping from above. During 
the night, the troops from the first vessel under Majors Mait- 
land and Grant, were silently marched across Hutchinson's 
Island, and embarked in merchant vessels which lay on the 
other side. When the morning of the 3d of March, 1776, 
revealed the proximity of the naval and military force, the 
inhabitants were filled with the utmost indignation. The 
grounded vessel was immediately attacked by a company of 
riflemen under Major John Habersham, who soon drove every 
man from its deck, and would have made it his prize, but 
having no boats to effect it, he had the mortification of see- 
ing her float off at high water and escape. In the mean 
time General Mcintosh had collected a few troops, and 
despatched a flag of truce with several oflicers, to demand 
why the soldiers had been brought up to town, and placed 
in merchantmen in the river? The flag was detained ; an- 
other, sent to learn the cause of the detention, was denied 
admittance ; and firing upon the soldiers who had insolently 
ordered it off, received in return a volley, which wounded 



Dr. Stevens's Discourse. 31 

one man, and so shattered the boat that it with difficulty 
reached the shore. Having no artillery of sufficient calibre 
to dislodge them, an order was given to set the vessels on 
fire. In the afternoon a few adventurers, among whom was 
General James Jackson, — he, who was in the first and the 
last battle in Georgia, proceeded to the ship Inverness, load- 
ed with rice, deer skins, &c., which they set on fire, and 
slipping her cable, she drifted with the tide upon the brig 
Nelly, which was soon wrapped in flames. The officers and 
soldiers precipitately abandoned her, and in their confusion 
threw themselves in the half-drained and uliginous rice fields, 
whence they were extricated the next morning, with the loss 
of their arms and ammunition. Two other vessels were also 
consumed, and the invaders totally routed, not however 
without the sacrifice of several valuable lives. The scenes 
of that day and night were solemn and terrific. The sud- 
den marshalling of troops, the alarm of the people, the hur- 
ried death-volley, and the vessels wrapped in flames, every 
mast a pinnacle of fire, their loosened sails fanning the ele- 
ment which was destroying them, and making the darkness 
hideous with a lurid glare, combined to form a scene of 
awful and soul-stirring sublimity. Hitherto, they had but 
heard of British aggression, but now, their own soil was moist 
with the blood of their slain ; their quiet homes had been 
assailed ; their property pillaged ; and their province threat- 
ened with devastation and ruin. The crisis had arrived, — 
they met it like heroes. 

Gentlemen of the Historical Society, I have thus in feeble- 
ness and brevity attempted to trace the progress of revolu- 
tionary proceedings in Georgia, from their incipiency, until 
the first blood had been spilt in its borders. But the most 
interesting part of that contest yet remains ; the sanguinary 
scenes of New England were to find an answering token in 
the gushing life-tide of our own citizens, the blazing horrors 
of Charlestown and Falmouth, were met by the responsive 
flames from our own dwellings ; and the earthquake-voice 
of misery, which rose from the suffering thousands of other 
colonies, was echoed back by the wretched and destitute of 
our own besieged and war-stricken province. 

The revolution found Georgia the most defenceless, it 
scourged her the. severest, it left her the weakest of the thir- 



32 Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse. 

teen colonies ; but, though often cast down, she did not de- 
spond ; though overrun, she was not subdued ; " faint, yet 
pursuing," she never relaxed her efforts, and never with- 
held her aid. The motto of her illustrious founder, "Nescit 
cedere," was inscribed on every banner, and her soil, con- 
secrated by the blood of a Mcintosh, a D'Estaing, a Screven, 
a Pulaski, was, — is, — and ever shall be, — the soil of pa- 
triotism. 

It is well, in coming up to celebrate this birth -day of our 
State, that we should gather together the several Socie- 
ties which this day honor us with their presence. A day, 
whose thrilling associations should be hallowed in all coming 
time, by the citizens of Georgia. United as we are, in the 
various relations of life, the ties of our union extend even to 
the earliest annals of this commonwealth. We are con- 
nected by a long series of eventful and blending histories; 
and though now arranged under the badges of our respect- 
ive associations, we are all protected by the same broad folds 
whose stars and stripes have become the universal watch- 
word of the free. 

Casting my eye in historic reti'ospect across the ocean, 
and the "ocean-girted isle" into the heart of Europe, I see 
an assemblage of way-worn travellers enter a city of Nassau, 
singing the songs of Zion as they walk. A rude cart con- 
veys their few worldly goods, and two covered ones help on 
their toilsome journey ; the aged parent, the feeble wife, and 
the helpless infant. The charity of the benevolent supplies 
their wants, their confidence in God supports their strength ; 
the distant hills have shut out the last view of the homes of 
their youth, and a wide ocean stretches its stormy waves 
before them. Who are these ? and where are they going ? 
They are the exiled Saltzburgers journeying to the Ameri- 
can Canaan. They are the future settlers of Georgia, des- 
tined to give shape and tone to its whole character, who in 
a few months pitched their tents in the squares of our city, 
and who shortly ended their wanderings by the erection of a 
village, to which, in the spirit of Samuel of old, they gave the 
name of Ebenezer, feeling with the prophet, that hitherto 
the Lord had indeed helped them. Gentlemen of the Ger- 
man Friendly Society, these were from your father-land, the 
pious pilgrims of the old world, the noble and upright citi- 
zens of the new, whose industry, integrity and worth will 
ever be conspicuous in the records of our State. 



Dr. Stevens's Discourse. 33 

But the inviting voice of Georgia did not sound only in 
the ancient feudatories of Germany. It echoed among the 
castled crags and highland glens of Scotland, and the Gaelic 
mountaineer paused in the chase to listen to its winning 
tones. Nor did he hsten in vain. Beneath his industry the 
wilderness smiled in the gladness of habitable life, and the 
town of New Inverness (now Darien) started up at his bid- 
ding. When hostiUties began with Spain, it was a highland 
band which marched to the walls of St. Augustine, and ex- 
hibited almost superhuman prowess at the surprise of Fort 
Moosa ; and when, in turn, the same foes invaded Georgia, 
it was then, also, a highland regiment, which repelled their 
chosen troops at the memorable battle of bloody Marsh, and 
whose valor rescued both Georgia and Carolina from im- 
pending destruction. How appropriate, then, that the rep- 
resentatives of Scotia's sons, whose Claymores saved Geor- 
gia a century since, and whose Mclntoshes and Stewarts 
were gallantly conspicuous in the revolution, should gather 
with us this day, marshaled under the banner of their patron 
saint, to recount the deeds of their countrymen and ours. 

Attracted by the dazzling descriptions of Georgia, large 
emigrations from Ireland hastened to the spot, which, in the 
language of Waller, had been portrayed as " kept by heaven 
uncurst, to show how all things were created first;" and 
settled the villages of Highgate and Queensborough. But 
waving the ties which thus early associated Georgia and Ire- 
land, and confining ourselves to the period of the revolution, 
let us behold, there, the strong links which bound us to each 
other. Shall I speak of Colonel John Dooley, the terror of the 
tories, who was inhumanly butchered by a party of them in 
the bosom of his family for his bold partisanship in the cause 
of America ? of the well-known Paddy Carr, who himself 
had killed over a hundred of the enemy, notching his rifle for 
every victim of his aim, and who, on being complimented on 
his conduct, replied, that "he would have deserved the 
merit, but for his heart, which nature had made too tender 
and compassionate for a soldier?" Shall I recall the memory 
of Sergeant Jasper, whose name is but a synonyme of 
bravery, and who fell gloriously at the siege of Savannah ? 
Or shall I narrate the marvellous exploit of Colonel John 
White, who, with only four companions, and by a stratagem 
surpassing even the legends of chivalry, captured at Sun- 

VOL. II. 5 




34 Di\ Stevens^s Discourse. 

bury, five British vessels ; one mounting fourteen guns, the 
others four guns each, containing one hundred and eleven 
soldiers, forty seamen, and one hundred and thirty stand of 
arms ? These, gentlemen of the Hibernian Society, were 
all Irishmen, the generous sons of the shamrock-isle, who 
nobly devoted themselves to the cause of the colonies, and 
shed their blood in its defence. 

Nor are there ties wanting to unite us with the worthy 
fraternity of Free and Accepted Masons. He who founded 
Georgia instituted the first Lodge within its borders. Its 
brethren have been among the most illustrious of her sons. 
Its spirit has saved the life of many a patriot from the torture 
of the savage. Its symbols, hke a rainbow of mercy, have be- 
tokened the covenant of peace even amidst the rudest scenes 
of war ; and the foes and the freemen have met under its 
arch in security, and separated friends. Yea, more, gentle- 
men, that sacred volume which is borne with reverence be- 
fore you, is the gift of Oglethorpe. Precious relic of your 
founder ! holy memorial of his friendship ! Long may it be 
cherished by you as a thrice hallowed treasure ; hallowed, 
as the revelation of Jehovah ; hallowed, as the corner-stone 
of your institution ; and hallowed, as the gift of him who 
erected on this spot the first colony which charity ever 
founded for the poor, the distressed, and the persecuted. 

The retired sphere in which woman moves, affords but 
few incidents to engage the pen of the historian. There are 
periods, however, which call forth the strong characteristics 
of her mind ; which draw her from the restricted orbit of 
domestic life and elicit those sublime traits of fortitude, cour- 
age and firmness, which make us acknowledge her superi- 
ority and her worth. Such a period was the American revo- 
lution when the fortunes of the colonist were shrouded in 
gloom, and a night of despair at the failure of so many 
schemes, was gathering its blackness around them, then it 
was, that they developed those sterling attributes of patriot- 
ism and self-devotion which made even the " raven down of 
darkness smile." It was a woman who gave to the patriots 
of Boston the first intimation they ever had of the approach- 
ing hostilities of the 19th of April, 1775. It wa§ a woman 
whose vigilance saved the army of Washington at Valley 
Forge, and throughout the seven long years of that struggle. 



Dr. Stevens^ s Discourse, 35 

there were no higher instances of patriotism exhibited than 
by those who had sent their fathers, their husbands, their 
brothers, their sons to the battle field, and waited in their 
desolate dwelling the sound of every footstep, lest it should 
bring the intelligence of sorrow and bereavement. You, 
daughters of America, who enjoy the broad sunlight of 
liberty, little know the painful watchings, the pinching want, 
the dismal wretchedness, the anguished bosoms, and the 
breaking hearts of the heroines of the revolution. In this 
province, owing to their proximity to the Indian territory, 
their sufferings were peculiarly severe. Their husbands 
were butchered by their sides ; their dwellings committed to 
the flames ; the scalps of their sons strung around their 
necks ; their babes torn from their arms to be dashed against 
the stones ; exposed to every insult and brutality ; the price 
of blood upon their heads without, and famine staring at 
them from their hearths within. Such was the price which 
many a wife and mother and daughter paid for your freedom. 
The record of their trials no pen can write, the worth of their 
struggles no mind can conceive. Silent and unseen to mor- 
tal eye, their prayers craved blessings on their country's 
arms, and their charities ministered to the suffering soldiery. 
They were clad by the garments of their needles ; fed by the 
provisions which their jewels purchased ; cheered by the 
encomium of their smiles ; led to victory under banners 
which their hands wrought ; and, to their cooperation should 
be ascribed an eminent degree of that glory which encircles 
the name of "Time's last and noblest offspring." 

This day completes one hundred and eight years since 
Oglethorpe, with his little company, ascended in a few peria- 
guas the Savannah, and landed on this bluff. They came, 
but a handful of men, in feebleness and insecurity ; they 
pitched their large tent under the overshadowing pines, and ■ 
guarded by a few soldiers from Carolina, and the warriors of 
Tomo Chichi, composed themselves to their first slumber on 
the soil of Georgia. A century has passed ; and she who 
was then almost a century behind the other colonies, has 
now a proud eminence among her sister States, enjoying a 
large domain, a teeming population, a productive agriculture, 
a lucrative commerce, a flourishing literature, a noble scheme 
of internal improvement, and sharing largely those blessings 
of civil and religious liberty, which she so largely contributed 



36 Dr. Stevens^s Discourse. 

to secure. We are now reaping the fruits of the labors of 
our fathers ; the struggle is over — the conquest has been 
achieved — the noble inheritance of freedom is ours. Let us 
not separate this day without gathering from the past some 
lesson of wisdom, which we can carry forward to the future. 
When the son of Ulysses, in that beautiful fiction of Fenelon, 
arrived at manhood, his guardian Mentor, throwing aside his 
veil of flesh, and revealing to him his celestial form, said to 
him, " I have guided you through rocks and quicksands, 
through the ensanguined battle, and the various calamities 
incident to the human species. I have taught you, through 
forcible experience, the good and the bad maxims, by which 
government may be carried on ; it is now time that you 
should be free. Love your fellow-creatures ; endeavor to 
renew the golden age ; avoid effeminacy, profuseness, and 
ostentation. Let simplicity be your best ornament ; on vir- 
tue and your own just actions, rest your chief security." 
Practise these directions, fellow-citizens, and "pure liberty, 
peace, delightful abundance and unsullied glory shall ever 
attend you." 



NEW VOYAGE TO GEORGIA. 



BY 



A YOUNG GENTLEMAN, 



GIVING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS TRAVELS TO SOUTH CAROLINA, 
AiND PART OF NORTH CAROLINA. 



TO WHICH Is ADDED, 

A CURIOUS ACCOUNT OF THE INDIANS, 

BY AN HONORABLE PERSON. 

AND 

A POEM TO JAMES OGLETHORPE, ESQ., ON HIS ARRIVAL 
FROM GEORGIA, 



THE SECOND EDITION. 



LONDON : PRINTED FOR J. WILFORD, AT THE THREE FLOWER DE 

LUCES, BEHIND THE CHAPTER-HOUSE, IN ST. PAUL's 

CHURCHYARD, 1737. 

(Price One Shilling.) 



NOTE. 

This is a reprint of an extremely rare pamphlet. The first edition 
was published in 1735. 

It is a pleasing and simple narrative of the condition of the settlement, 
and is full of romantic incidents, and personal adventures, through the 
three lower colonies of the American continent. 

At the end, is an account of the Indians in Georgia, written by Ogle- 
thorpe, forming part of a letter written by him from Savannah, 9th June, 
1733, to a distinguished gentleman in London. It was first published in 
the " Weekly Miscellany" for August 11, 1733, and was iniroduced into 
the Gentleman's Magazine for the same month, by the following preface. 
" The writer of a letter in this paper (the Weekly Miscellany), highly ap- 
plauds the undertaking of establishing a colony in Georgia, bestows large 
encomiums on the founders of it ; and adds, that a subscription is now 
opened by the trustees, for the religious uses of the colony. A church is 
to be built and endowed at Savannah, and a clergyman, well recommend- 
ed, is sent over on the foot of an annual salary, to reside as the first min- 
ister of it there. These early expressions of zeal in the trustees, give us 
just ground to hope that a better face of religion will be preserved in Geor- 
gia, than appears in many of our American settlements ; and that many 
obstacles which have hitherto defeated all attempts to gain the Indians 
may be gradually removed ; and as a confirmation of his hopes the writer 
gives the following part of a letter from James Oglethorpe, Esq." 

It is rather doubtful to whom belongs the authorship of the poem to 
Oglethorpe, which concludes the pamphlet. A piece written on the same 
occasion, and addressed to the same person, was published as original in 
the Gentleman's Magazine, for September, 1734. The similarity of 
ideas, and identity of lines prove that one is borrowed from the other ; 
and as the poem in the Gentleman's Magazine is not only superior to the 
other, but apparently preceded it by nearly a year, there appears just 
ground for the opinion, that the lines in the pamphlet are plagiarised from 
those in the Magazine. As literary tributes to the benevolence of Ogle- 
thorpe, we publish both. 



NEW VOYAGE TO GEORGIA. 



I ARRIVED safe at Charleston, in South Carolina, after a 
long and tedious passage of three months from London, on 
the 10th day of December, 1733, where I was handsomely 
received the night of my arrival by his Excellency, Robert 
Johnson, Esq., captain general, governor and commander 
in chief in and over his majesty's province of South Caro- 
lina. 

Charleston is very pleasantly situated on a point or neck 
of land, about five miles long, between two rivers, the one 
called Cooper river to the northward, and the other Ashly 
river to the southward, so that there is but one way out of 
the town by land. I stayed there till the 10th of January, 
1734, when I set out with an intent to see the town Savan- 
nah, in the colony of Georgia, as likewise the new township 
of Purysburg, in the province of South Carolina, accompanied 
by several other gentlemen, in a schooner, belonging to cap- 
tain Colcock of Charleston. On the fourth morning, we came 
within sight of the island of Tybee, which is a point of land 
to the southward of the bar of Savannah ; we saw the pilot- 
boat coming to fetch us in, but the wind being very fair at 
E. by N. and E.N.E., and having at least three fathom at 
low water, we ventured in without him : when we were 
over the bar, we got the captain to order his boat to be 
hoisted out, that we might take a view of the island of 
Tybee, where we landed about ten the next morning. 
Tybee is a very pleasant island, and has a beautiful creek to 



40 A Neio Voyage to Georgia. 

the westward of it, so that a ship of any burthen may lie 
safe at anchor ; we saw there a sloop for Barbadoes, which 
was forced in by the badness of the weather. We stayed on 
the island till about four in the afternoon, where we saw great 
plenty of deer, but not being acquainted with the nature of 
the woods, could not shoot any of them. Having got the 
pilot on board, we went up to Savannah river, and about 
eight at night reached the town of Savannah, which is about 
ten miles from the bar, where we were very handsomely 
received by the honorable James Oglethorpe, Esq., one of 
the trustees for establishing that new colony, who is a worthy 
gentleman, and one that has undergone a great many hard- 
ships in setting of it, and one that the English nation will 
always be bound to pray for ; it is to be wished, all other 
gentlemen, especially those that have it in their power, would 
have the good of their country, and of all his majesty's sub- 
jects as much at heart, as this honorable gentleman. Savan- 
nah is a very pleasant town, being situated on a beautiful 
bluff, at least sixty feet high, on the said river ; it is a fine 
navigable river, so that ships of any burden may come up to 
the town, and a great many miles above ; the town is very 
regularly laid out, and they have now at least forty houses in 
it ; they are at present obliged to have all their things up by 
a crane from the water, but I understand Mr. Oglethorpe has 
laid some scheme for another contrivance ; the houses are all 
of them of the same size, that is twenty-two by sixteen. 
There are still to be seen the four beautiful pines Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe first encamped under, with the first forty that went 
over with him, and where he lay himself for near a twelve- 
month, till in short it was nothing but rags, though even now 
he lays in a house without a chimney in it, and indeed much 
harder than any of the people that are setded there. In the 
middle of the town they have reserved a spot of land, which 
tliey intend to build a church on, as soon as possible, though 
they have a place, at present, set apart for public worship on 
Sunday, where the children are educated all the rest of the 
week ; they have likewise a very beautiful public store, full of 
necessaries, as tools, &c. for the poor people that come over 
there, as likewise provisions, which are delivered out to them 
very regularly ; they have likewise conveniences for all those 
that come over there, till they have built them a house. The 
honorable trustees have a beautiful garden there, consisting 



A New Voyage to Georgia. 41 

of ten acres, where are a great many white mulberry trees, 
vines, and orange trees raised, on purpose for the poor peo- 
ple ; their lots in town consist of one quarter of an acre, but 
they have other lots a small distance out of town, consisting 
of five acres, which is designed for plantations. I do not in 
the least question, but by the great assistance they have had 
from England, which has been laid out to the best advantage, 
and the good economy of the honorable trustees, it will, in a 
few years time, become a flourishing country. The chief 
manufacture they go upon is silk and wine, and it will not be 
long before they will bring both to perfection. I think it is 
the pleasantest climate in the world ; for it is neither too warm 
in the summer, nor too cold in the winter. They have cer- 
tainly the finest water in the world, and the land is extra- 
ordinary good ; this may certainly be called the land of 
Canaan. There is, at present, a small Indian town, within 
half a mile of Savannah, where there are sometimes a great 
many of the Creek nation, but as the inhabitants of Savan- 
nah increase, they will be obliged to remove some small dis- 
tance farther, on some land they have reserved for their own 
use. I stayed there five days, in which time I took a par- 
ticular view of every thing worthy of notice. They have a 
large guard-house, where are several guns mounted, and 
they keep watch night and day ; they have likewise begun 
building a large light house, that is to be upwards of fourscore 
feet high, and is to be set upon the point of Tybee island for 
directions for shipping ; on the sixth morning I set out from 
thence, accompanied by two other gentlemen in a canoe with 
four oars, up the said river, and in the afternoon reached 
Purysburg, which is about twenty-four miles from Savan- 
nah. On the other side of the river Purysburg is a very 
pleasant place, being situate on the north side of Savannah 
river, on a very pleasant bluff, about twenty feet high. The 
land thereabouts is, generally speaking, very good, but the 
poor people have been unjustly cheated of the best part of it; 
I mean that part lying between them and Savannah. It is 
judged not to be above fourteen miles on a direct line from 
thence, and it is supposed will not be long ere they have a 
road cut: it is judged to be upwards of two hundred miles 
at present by land from Charleston, and not above one hun- 
dred and sixty by water ; but when the roads are made 
passable, which they propose this next spring, it will then 

VOL. II. 6 



42 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

not exceed an hundred and twenty at most ; they have 
already built, at their own expense, a very pretty fort, and 
can mount on occasion twenty-four guns. The town is at 
least one mile and a quarter long, but they have at present 
only barracks to lie in ; but the people seem to be very 
industrious, and had they but some small supply from Eng- 
land, it would shortly become a flourishing place. On the 
23d of January, I left Purysburg, and reached Savannah by 
dinner time, where 1 was again well received by Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe, who was pleased to keep open house for all gentle- 
men comers and goers, so long as the people had the hap- 
piness of his company there. On the 24th I set out in a 
periauger from thence to Charleston, and the wind blowing 
very hard when we came to the Daufisky Sounds, which is 
the mouth of the Savannah river, we were obliged to put 
into Tybee Creek, where we lay as safe as in a millpond all 
that night, and the next morning crossed the Sounds, and 
having a fair wind at south by west, and going within land, 
we reached Port Royal that night, which is about forty miles 
from Savannah ; but the wind still continuing fair, and the 
tide serving, we had not an opportunity to see that place : 
the next night we reached Morton town or Bear bluff, which 
is a pretty pleasant place, but not very thick of inhabitants, 
passing by great bodies of good land on both sides of us, 
and several beautiful plantations. On the 27th we reached 
Charleston, which is about one hundred and forty miles 
from Savannah, meeUng with nothing material on our pas- 
sage. 

I stayed in Charleston till the 1st of February, when I set 
out with an intent to see the northern part of South Caro- 
Hna by land, accompanied by two other gentlemen, one ser- 
vant and a sumpter horse : I gave thirty-five pounds for my 
horse in Charleston, or five pounds sterling. We rode the 
first night to a large tavern at Goose creek, kept by one 
Keatingal, twenty-four miles from the town aforesaid, pass- 
ing by several beautiful plantations on each side of the road, 
and mostly brick houses ; about eight the next morning we 
set out from thence, and about nine crossed Childsberry- 
Ferry, alias the Strawberry or Cooper river ; it is an exceed- 
ing pleasant place, being situate on the north side of the 
river, on a fine bluff, so that ships of any burthen may come 
close up to the town : the men-of-war frequently come up 



A New Voyage to Georgia. 43 

here in the summer time, for fear of the worm : it is about 
thirty miles by land from Charleston, and about sixty by 
water. We stayed there about an hour and a half, and 
then pursued our journey ; we rode about ten miles farther 
on the road, through an open pine barren, without so much 
as seeing any house, where we encamped to refresh our- 
selves, making a large fire with lightwood, and having plenty 
of provisions with us, we stayed there till three in the after- 
noon, when we mounted our horses and pursued our jour- 
ney : we rode about four miles farther, when we came to a 
small tavern on the road, which goes by the name of Wit- 
ton's, where we drank one bowl of punch, and inquired how 
far it was to the next house on the road, which they told us 
was about ten miles farther, which was the place we intend- 
ed to sleep at that night. When we came within two miles 
of the house, my horse made a full stand and immediately 
dropped down dead under me, though he had no symptoms 
in the least of any distemper, till the moment he died. 
We made shift as well as we could to reach the next house, 
which proved to be one Captain Screen's, at French San tee 
on Santee river, where we were kindly received by his wife, 
he not being at home ; the next morning I was obliged to 
buy another horse of her to pursue my journey, which cost 
me fifty pounds. The next morning, about ten, we left his 
house, and crossed the Santee river, which is a very beautiful 
river, but very liable to overflow, and the freshes being 
then so very high, we were obliged to go at least two miles 
in the ferry-boat, up a large cypress swamp, before we 
could get to the landing, which is called Le Breys, or the 
Ferry, though it seems it is sometimes so low, that it is not 
above a quarter of a mile over. The land is exceeding good 
thereabouts, but the people run great risks in planting, on 
account of the freshes ; we rode about two miles farther, 
where we came to a large pine savannah, when it began to 
rain very hard. When we were about in the middle of the 
savannah, we saw several wild beasts, which we rode up to 
as near as possible without danger, which proved to be four 
tigers and six bears, which made oft' as fast as they could on 
sight of us ; but being willing to be satisfied what might be 
the occasion of their being there together in such an open 
place, we rode up to the spot where we first saw them, and 
found the remains of a young calf they had killed, and did 



44 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

imagine, by the trampling of the grass, they had been fight- 
ing about it. About a mile farther we came within sight of a 
house at a distance, through a large cypress swamp, which 
we were obliged to cross, but it raining very hard, and thun- 
dering very much, could not make any body hear us halloo ; 
so that we then concluded to take every one his horse, and 
lead them over the best we could ; but sure, no men in the 
world ever met with a worse place ; sometimes our horses 
would be over their backs, and sometimes ourselves up to 
our necks, but by the providence of God, we got over safe 
in about two hours' time, though the place was not above a 
hundred yards through. It goes by the name of Cedar 
creek, but they say it is not so bad at all times, only when 
the freshes are up, as it is a creek out of Santee river ; but 
it is always bad at best. We slept there that night at one 
Mr. Roberts's, who is the owner of it, who gave us a hearty 
welcome. The next morning about ten, we set out on our 
journey, and having crossed over the six Causeways, which is 
a very remarkable place, we came at last to one Lewis's, 
about twelve miles from his house, and about fifteen miles 
from Georgetown in Winneaw ; it being a small tavern, we 
called for some punch ; but he had nothing to drink but a 
little bumboe, which is rum, sugar, and water, and some 
hominy and milk, and potatoes. Hominy is a sort of a meal 
much resembling our oat meal in England, made of their 
Indian corn ; we stayed there till three in the afternoon, 
when we mounted our horses and reached George Fort the 
same night. Georgetown is a very pleasant place, being 
situated on a fine bluff on Sandpit creek, and about ten 
miles from the bar ; the said creek heads about ten miles 
above the town, but any ship that can come over the 
bar, may come up to the town. The bar indeed, they say, 
is not extraordinary good, but there has been several ships 
of a hundred and fifty tons there and upwards. The town 
is laid out very regular, but at present there are a great 
many more houses than inhabitants ; but do believe it will 
not be long ere it is thoroughly settled, it being a place that 
has a very good prospect for trade, though I must confess, 
the land to the southward is much preferable, only this place, 
they say, is not in much danger, in case of an Indian war, 
which the people to the southward are in daily fear of; 
though for my part, I think, without any reason. We stayed 



A New Voyage to Georgia. 45 

there two days, and on the 7th of February set out from 
thence in a large canoe, leaving our horses behind us, with 
an intent to take a view of the lands on Waccumaw river. 
There are three rivers w-hich vent themselves into one, which 
make the bar of Georgetown, which are Waccumaw on the 
main, and P. D., out of which there are several cut offs 
into Waccumaw, and Black river. The same night we 
reached Mr. Gordon's on P. D., where we slept ; it is about 
ten miles from Georgetown. The next morning we set out, 
accompanied by himself, to Major Pauly's, on Waccumaw, 
and from thence proceeded up the said river, accompanied 
by them both, and on which we found a great deal of good 
land ; but it is all entirely taken up for above forty miles. 
We slept that night on a bluff belonging to one Captain 
Matthews, in Charleston, about ten miles from the Major's, 
passing by several pretty settlements on the main ; we found 
there two half barrels of pitch, and being very cold, set fire 
to them, and dressed some salt beef and rice for our sup- 
pers. We left that place about four the next morning, and by 
eight came to a bluff belonging to one of the Major's sisters, 
adjoining to which there was vacant land, which, after having 
breakfasted, we took a view of; but it proving to be mostly 
pine barren, and that is but very indifferent, and not fit for 
any thing but tar and turpentine, we left it for the use of 
others that might have occasion for it; from thence we came to 
another beautiful bluff, but an island, and very small, not being 
above one hundred acres at most, and inquiring the name of 
it, found it had none ; so one in our company named it after 
his, by throwing a bottle of rum against the largest pine tree, 
and it goes after his name to this day. We slept there that 
night, and the next morning proceeded on our voyage, and 
came to a beautiful bluff on P. D. side, about two miles from 
the other of the opposite side, which we took a particular 
view of, and liking the situation of the place very well, we 
encamped there, and found a great deal of good oak and 
hickory, and the pine land very valuable, and a great deal of 
good cypress swamp, which is counted the best for rice ; and 
having a surveyor with us, one gentleman in company con- 
cluded to run some out, which he did the next morning ; but 
in the interim, while we were running out the land, our com- 
panions went up the said river in the boat to look for more, 
leaving only one botde of punch, and a biscuit a piece, pro- 
mising to be back again in the afternoon ; but in short, they 



46 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

never came near us that night, nor the next day, in which 
time we had like to have been starved, and not knowing 
what might be the occasion of their stay, we concluded to 
tie some trees together, and make a barque, as the Indians 
call it, to ford over to the main, where we might possibly find 
a house. But the next morning, when we were in the midst 
of our work, our companions came back to us, but without 
one morsel of provision, the oarsmen having eat it all up, so 
that we were then almost as bad off as before, save only our 
having our guns again, which we had unluckily left in the 
boat. We made shift to shoot some crows and woodpeck- 
ers, which we lived on that day ; but inquiring what might 
be the occasion of their staying so long, they told us one of 
the men had straggled out in the wood by himself a shoot- 
ing, and it was with great difficulty they found him again. 
The next mornino; we went out with an intent to shoot some 
venison ; but having hunted a considerable time, and not 
meeting with any, concluded to return to our camp ; but in 
our return met with a wolf in full chase after a deer, and had 
the good fortune to kill them both ; so that we had then pro- 
visions sufficient for two days longer, which time we spent 
very pleasantly ; and finding by our companions that there 
was still a better land higher up, we concluded to see it, 
trusting to our guns to supply us with provisions, which they 
did very plentifully. 

The next bluff we came to was the bluflf on which Kings- 
town is to be settled, but there are yet no inhabitants ; the 
lower part of the township is not above fifty miles from 
Georgetown, but the tide runs seventy miles up ; it is much 
the boldest river in all South Carolina ; in a parallel line with 
the sea coast, which runs north-east snd south-west, and is 
not above two miles across to it in some places. But the 
township is now settled on P. D. side, though it was first run 
out, half on one side and half on the other. The people have 
great advantage in settling in these townships, for they pay 
no tax for ten years, nor quit rent, which those that settle out 
of them are obliged to do the first year. The land hereabouts 
is, for the generality, very good, and for the most part high 
champaign land, and is not subject to overflow, as a great 
many of the rivers do, particularly P. D. and Santee ; this 
river runs about two hundred and fifty miles up, and heads 
in a beautiful lake. [Vide the particulars in my travels to 
Cape Fear.] 



A New Voyage to Georgia. 47 

The next night we encamped on Bear Bluff, about thirty 
miles above the township: I think this tract is much the 
finest on all the river ; and, I believe, if we had had each of 
us a warrant, we should have fell out about the choice of 
it : but we had neither of us one with us, so were obliged to 
leave it for some other. That night we had a very odd 
affair happened. One of our men had killed a venison in 
the evening, and about 12 o'clock at night as we were all of 
us fast asleep, one of my companions was waked by a noise 
he heard at a small distance from him, and as I lay the next 
to him, he endeavored to wake me as gently as he could : 
when I awaked, he bid me present my piece, for he had just 
seen something not above six yards from him, which he did 
imagine was a bear ; we lay in that posture with our pieces 
presented to the same place where we first saw him, for 
near half an hour, when we heard him coming again, and 
soon after saw him, when we both fired and shot him dead 
on the spot : but instead of a bear, it proved to be a w'olf, 
that had stole one quarter of venison before, and was just 
then come for a second ; and, indeed, it was very lucky for 
us that we killed him, or otherwise we must have come to 
short allowance. On the 20th of February, we set out on 
our voyage back again, and the first night reached Kingstown 
bluff, where we had the good fortune to kill one bear, some 
of which we barbicued for our suppers. The next morning 
we sat out from thence, and the same night reached Major 
Pauly's, where I had the misfortune to lose my pocket-book, 
with fifteen pounds in it, but could not find it again, though 
I offered the negroes the money, so I could but have my 
book. The next morning we set out from the Major's, and 
reached Georgetown the same night, where we stayed two 
days to refresh ourselves, after our fatiguing voyage. On the 
20th of February, we set out on our journey to Charleston ; 
one of our companion's horses having strayed away in our 
absence, he was obliged to borrow another ; the first night 
we reached Captain Smith's, about ten miles from George- 
town, who is one of the Assembly in that province, who 
told us he had got a warrant, and did intend to run out Bear 
Bluff the next week, but was very much afraid lest we had 
been beforehand with him, but having assured him to the 
contrary, he entertained us very handsomely. The next 
morning we left the house, and by noon reached Lewis, 



48 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

where there had been a very unhappy accident the night 
before. Two men being in liquor, they quarrelled till they 
came to blows, when one had the fortune to throw the other 
down ; the undermost, finding the other to be too strong for 
him, bit oft' his nose, which made the other immediately let 
him go ; upon which the fellow made his escape, and was 
not then to be heard of. We stayed there two hours, and 
hearing the freshes were risen very much, my companions 
did not care to venture the same way back, but chose to go 
over at Daubusk's ferry, about eight miles to the north east 
of Le Brey's, but desired me, as 1 had the freshest and 
strongest horse, and one that had been pretty much used to 
those roads, to go the other way, in case his horse should be 
gone that way, and so we miss of him, and to meet tJiem 
the same night at Captain Screen's, which I promised to do. 
When I came to Cedar creek, the freshes were so very 
high, that the people of the house desired I would not ven- 
ture over there ; for that it was impossible without swimming 
my horse, it having rose at least eight feet the night before, 
but rather to go about two miles higher up the said creek, 
where I might see a blind sort of a path, which they w^ere 
obliged to make use of sometimes themselves, and where I 
might go over in safety ; but, happening not to go high 
enough up, mistook the path, and was obliged to swim my 
horse at last, and imagining by his treading on the stump of 
a tree, that he had recovered ground again. The stump 
broke, and the horse and myself tumbled in over head and 
ears, and it was with great difliculty we both got out again. 
I had at least five miles farther to Le Brey's, or the ferry, 
and was obliged to ride that in my wet clothes. I reached 
there about six at night, when it was too late for me to go 
over, it being very dangerous after sunset. But now comes 
the worst misfortune of all ; for after I had dried myself, and 
began to examine my pockets, I recollected I had not one 
farthing of money. In this condition I did not know what 
to do, for I had ten shillings to pay for my ferriage, and horse, 
lodging and punch, &c. besides ; but as fortune would have 
it, there accidentally came in three country planters, who 
proposed playing a game at whisk, but wanted a fourth to 
make up a set, my landlord not being at home ; so they de- 
sired me to make one, which I did, remembering the old 
proverb, " nothing venture, nothing have." We played till two 



A New Voyage to Georgia. 49 

o'clock in the morning, in which I made shift to win two 
pounds, seventeen shillings, and six pence. In the morning, 
calling to pay reckoning and ferriage, it came to two pounds, 
so that 1 had then seventeen shillings and six pence clear. 
I set out from thence about six in the morning, and at seven 
landed on the other side, where I met one of my companions 
coming to relieve me, imagining, as well they might, that I 
had pawned myself, knowing I had not one farthing about 
me; but when I showed them the money I had, and did 
assure them my ferriage, &c. was paid, they were agreeably 
surprised, and could not imagine by what enchantment I 
came by it. I told them the story, they were wonderfully 
pleased, for money began to be short with us all. We set 
out at ten from Captain Screen's, and by noon reached Wit- 
ton's, where we dined about two in the afternoon ; we set 
out from thence, and by six reached Childsberry, where we 
slept that night. The next morning about ten we crossed 
the ferry, and reached Mr. Katirg's in Goose creek by noon, 
where we spent the last of our money. We reached 
Charleston the same night by twelve, calling at several 
planters' houses by the way, where we were handsomely 
received. 

I stayed in Charleston till the 20th of April, 1734. Where 
I set on my travels to the southern parts of South Carolina 
by land, and after having crossed Ashley river, and two 
branches of Stone river, took up my lodgings at one Major 
Smith's, a very worthy gentleman, where I was handsomely 
entertained. It is about thirty miles from Charleston, and 
the land is, for the generality, very good, being most of it oak 
and hickory, which is counted the best for corn and peas, 
which they plant in great plenty hereabouts. The next 
morning, about five, I left the Major's house, and by ten 
crossed Edistow river in a little canoe, swimming my horse 
on one side of it. The land is mostly thereabouts fine 
cypress swamps, which they count the best for rice, which, 
if it was w'ell settled, would be very valuable. About two 
miles after I crossed that river I lost my way, and came to a 
place called Jackson's ferry. About six miles to the south- 
east of it I met with a beautiful plantation there, belonging 
to Captain Peters, very much resembling a gentleman's 
country seat in England ; I there met with one Mr. John 
Woodward, a young gentleman, that country born, who car- 

VOL. II. 7 



50 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

ried me that night to Captain Grey's, one who had formerly 
been a Captain at Savannah garrison in that province, who 
entertained us with the best he could afford, being hominy 
and milk, and potatoes. The potatoes are not like our 
English ones, some of them are so large they weigh three or 
four pounds ; they eat, when baked, much like a roasted 
chestnut. They feed their negroes there with nothing else 
in the season, and in the summer with nothing but hominy ; 
they count it very hearty food, and at most planters' houses 
they eat nothing but one or the other in the room of bread. 
We left his house about four the next morning, and reached 
Mr. Woodward's by ten, where T made a hearty breakfast. 
It is a fine old plantation, setUed by his grandfather, on the 
head of Ashepoo river, which is a branch of Edistow ; but 
being driven from thence in the Indian war in 1713, has 
never been improved since, till this year. 

Governor Craven kept a garrison there for a considerable 
time in the Indian war, and the remains of it are to be seen 
at this day. I stayed at his house three days, and met with 
a very hearty welcome, and plenty of wine, punch, and good 
English strong beer. 

The gentlemen in general, in this country, are exceeding 
civil to strangers, so that a man, if he knows but the nature 
of the country, may go from one plantation to another, for a' 
year or two, and keep his horse, and never cost him 51 far- 
thing, and the gentlemen will be always glad of his com- 
pany. 

On the fourth morning I left Mr. Woodward's, accompa- 
nied by himself, to a large savannah, called Godfrey's, where 
he took his leave of me. 

A savannah is a large spot of clear land, where there never 
was any timber grew, and nothing but grass, which is ex- 
ceeding good for a stock of cattle, and on which they fre- 
quently settle their cow-pens. This savannah is about one 
mile over, and several in length ; but being obliged to cross it, 
it was so very boggy that I could not ride, so was obliged to 
drive my horse before me, and sometimes tumbling in almost 
up to the middle. When I was got about half over, I over- 
took one Captain Macpherson, Captain of the Fort of Argyle, 
on the Ogechee river, in the colony of Georgia, being near 
to the Spanish settlement named Augustine. He was driv- 
ing one hundred and fifty cattle to Savannah, in Georgia, by 
Mr. Oglethorpe's order, on the trustees' account. 



A New Voyage to Georgia. 51 

I rode in company with him for about six miles, when he 
was so kind as to offer me a servant to show me the way to 
a plantation of his about sixteen miles from thence, which he 
had newly settled, and where his wife then was. About six at 
night I crossed the salt-catchers, being the head of the Cam- 
bake river, in a small canoe, swimming our horses on one side 
of it. As soon as we crossed the river we came to a small 
savannah, where we had once a terrible battle with the Indi- 
ans, and lost a great many of our men. There are several 
large pine trees now to be seen, full of bullets. About half a 
mile from thence I came to an old fort which has been demol- 
ished on account of setting the fort on Ogechee river, in the 
colony aforesaid, and from thence to Captain Macpherson's 
plantations, where I was handsomely received by his wife, 
considering it is one of the out settlements. I lay at his house 
two nights, and the next morning set out for Captain Bel- 
Unger's cow-pen, which is about six miles from thence. 1 
met with another very bad savannah, belonging to Captain 
Bellinger, but not quite so bad as Godfrey's. I took a guide 
with me from thence to conduct me the way to Purysburg, 
which I judge to be sixty long miles through the woods, 
without so much as seeing house or path. I had very good 
fortune in crossing two rivers ; the one called Chille Fenne, 
and the other, Cocaettatche, which I forded without so much 
as wetting myself, which I understand is not common. I 
reached Purysburg the same night, without so much as rest- 
ing myself or horse, and was received there by Hector Ber- 
renger Beaufin, Esq. a very worthy gendeman, and one that 
was a fellow passenger with me from England. I met with 
great plenty of deer, and plenty of wild turkeys, and six 
bears in my passage, but having no gun, only pistols, could 
shoot nothing. The next morning I took a second view of 
the town, but it was .surprising to see the improvement those 
poor people had made, in such a short time; there was sev- 
eral families that had begun to make improvements on their 
plantations ; I understand they intend speedily to build 
another fort at the upper end of the town, which will be a 
great security to it. I stayed there three days, and from 
thence proceeded on my journey by land to Georgia, having 
a great curiosity to see as much of that new colony as pos- 
sible ; the same night I reached the Pallachuculas fort, which 
is about thirty miles up the Savannah river, being obliged 



52 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

to go so high before I could find a fording place; 1 was well 
received there by Captain Mackintosh, captain of the said 
fort ; the land thereabouts is but very indifferent, being 
mostly pine barren. 

The next morning I crossed Savannah river, and went 
through a great body of very good land, being most of it 
oak and hickory, and fine cypress swamps ; as likewise a 
great body of fine black walnut, and likewise a great num- 
ber of large laurel trees. 1 lay in the woods that night, 
having nothing but my saddle for my pillow, and the next 
morning early, came to an old Indian camp, in an open pine 
barren, where I unkennelled a fox, and pursued him so close, 
that I fairly run him down in about two miles riding : the 
foxes here are not half so speedy as they are in England, 
nor near so large, and if they are pursued and almost spent, 
they generally run up a tree. I met with great plenty of 
bears, wolves and tigers ; about ten the same morning, I 
met with an Indian fellow who had been out a hunting, and 
had just then shot a young buck. I inquired of him how far 
it was to Savannah, but he, not understanding me, held up 
his two fingers, pointing a quite different way from my road, 
which I knew by my compass, and gave me to understand, 
he would be my guide, and that I should be welcome to 
some of his venison. I followed him to the place he pointed 
to, which I judged to be about two miles, when we came to 
a little sort of a settlement, which proved to be a cow-pen 
belonging to one Musgrove, a half Indian, who is the inter- 
preter at Georgia, and a great trader among the Indians ; 
this cow-pen is about six miles from Savannah. I left my 
horse there, and padded down from thence to Savannah by 
dinner time, where I met with a kind reception from those 
gentlemen Mr. Oglethorpe has left managers there. I think 
I never in my life saw such a visible and surprising altera- 
tion as there was since I saw it, for the houses are not only 
increased from forty to a hundred in the town, but they 
have settled several villages some distance from the town, as 
likewise several plantations on Ogechee river, and divers other 
rivers. If it flourishes already so fast, what must it do in 
ten years more ? There are several poor people from Purys- 
burg here, who come down and earn two shillings a day, 
and go up to their wives every Saturday night. 

There never was any one place settled, which had ever 



A Neiv Voyage to Georgia. 53 

the prospect of proving so advantageous to England as this. 
They have the finest land on all the continent ; and as it is 
the farthest part to the southward on the continent, it cer- 
tainly must be the finest climate. You may have at least 
three crops in a year here by industry, which is more by 
two than they have in a great many places on the Main. 

I intend after my return to Charleston to take a journey, 
by land, to Cape Fear in North Carolina, which I have heard 
so much talk of, as hkevvise to the beautiful lake which is the 
head of Waccumaw river. I left Georgia on the 9th of May, 
and set out for Charleston in a canoe, with four oars, having 
sold my horse. We lay in the wood that night, at a place called | 
Bloody Point, which is on the north side of Sanfusky Sounds; j 
it is so named from the scout boats being cut off there in the \ 
Indian war, by the Augustine Indians. I met with nothing 1 
very material that night, except my sending one of the 
oar-men for some fresh water to a spring about a. stone's 
throw from the camp, who came back in a terrible fright, 
swearing he either saw the devil or some spirit, the vulgar 
having a notion among them, that this place was haunted 
ever since. We took each of us a stick of light wood in our 
hands, and went to meet this spirit, which proved to be 
nothing but a poor raccoon, which we killed and barbicued 
for our supper with some oysters for sauce, there being great 
plenty there, and I think much the finest in the whole pro- 
vince. About four the next morning, we set out from thence, 
and about ten reached Port Royal Sounds, where we had 
very near been cast away by a sudden storm from the north- 
east ; but, by the providence of God, and the skilfulness of 
the pilot, happily escaped: those Sounds are about ten miles 
over, and they say the bar is much the finest in South Caro- 
lina. We reached the town of Beaufort in Port Royal Island 
that evening, by Frederick Fort, where his majesty's inde- 
pendent company is settled. 

Beaufort is pleasantly situated, and would be much plea- 
santer, would it admit of a large town ; but the land round 
it being got into the hands of -a few gentlemen who have 
other tracts elsewhere, there is no room for others who would 
live there to setde it ; so that the town in itself is but very 
indifferent. We slept there that night, at one Mr, Richard 
Woodward's, and the next morning set out for Charleston, 



54 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

and arrived there on the thirteenth morning with nothing 
worthy notice. 

I set out from Charleston on the 10th of June, on my 
travels to Cape Fear, in North Carolina, in company with 
thirteen more, and the first night reached Mr. More's, in 
Goose creek. The next night we reached Captain Screen's, 
at French Santee, and the third reached VVineaw ferry, 
which is about one hundred miles from Charleston. There 
we lay that night, and there being so many of us, it was 
twelve the next day before we all crossed the ferry. We 
dined there at one Mr. Masters's, on the fens on the other 
side, and the same night reached one Muenly, who keeps 
another tavern on the road, about twenty-two miles from 
Masters's. 

The next morning, about five, we left his house, and 
about six came on the long bay, the tide just serving for us 
to get over the swashes. We had twenty-five miles farther 
to ride on the bay, or sea-shore, and five miles after before 
we came within sight of a house, so that we were obliged to 
ride gently for fear of our horses. When we got about fif- 
teen miles over the bay, my horse gave out, and I was 
obliged to take one of the negro's horses, leaving him 
behind to take care of mine. When we rode about two 
miles farther, another of our companions' horses gave out, 
and in short two more before we got to Ash's, or Little 
river, which was the next house. 

The next morning, just as we were setting out from 
thence, our tired horses came in, when we ordered them to 
be left there till further orders : we left the boys behind to 
come after us as well as they could. We reached Little 
Charlotta by dinner time, which is about fifteen miles from 
Ash's, or Little river: we dined there, and in the afternoon 
crossed the ferry, where we intended to sleep that night. 
We reached there about eight the same night, after having 
crossed the ferry. 

It is named so after one Lockwood, a Barbadian, who 
with several others attempted to settle it some time ago ; 
but, by his cruel behavior to the Indians, they drove him 
from thence, and it has not been settled above ten years. 
We left Lockwood's Folly about eight the next morning, 
and by two reached the town of Brunswick, which is the 
chief town in Cape Fear ; but with no more than two of the 



A New Voyage to Georgia. 55 

same horses which came with us out of South Carolina. 
Vie dined there that afternoon. l\Ir. Roger More hearing 
we were come, was so kind as to send fresh horses for us to 
come up to his house, which we did, and were kindly 
received by him ; he being the chief gentleman in all Cape 
Fear. His house is built of brick, and exceeding plea- 
santly situated about two miles from the town, and about 
half a mile from the river ; though there is a creek comes 
close up to the door, between two beautiful meadows about 
three miles length. He has a prospect of the town of Bruns- 
wick, and of another beautiful brick house, a building about 
half a mile from him, belonging to Eleazer Allen, Esq., late 
speaker to the Commons House of Assembly, in the province 
of South Carolina. There were several vessels lying before 
the town of Brunswick, but I shall forbear giving a descrip- 
tion of that place ; yet on the 20th of June we left Mr. Roger 
More's, accompanied by his brother, Nathaniel More, Esq., 
to a plantation of his, up the north-west branch of Cape Fear 
river. The river is wonderfully pleasant, being, next to Sa- 
vannah, the finest on all the continent. 

We reached the Forks, as they call it, that same night, 
where the river divides into two very beautiful branches, 
called the North-east and the North-w^est, passing by several 
pretty plantations on both sides. We lodged that night at one 
Mr. Jehu Davis's, and the next morning, proceeded up the 
north-west branch ; wdien got about two miles from thence, 
we came to a beautiful plantation, belonging to Captain Ga- 
briel, who is a great merchant there, where were two ships, 
two sloops, and a brigantine, loading with lumber from the 
West Indies : it is about twenty-two miles from the bar ; 
when we came about four miles higher up, we saw an open- 
ing on the north-east side of us, which is called Black river, 
on which there is a great deal of very good meadow land, 
but there is not any one settled on it. 

The next night we came to another plantation belonging 
to Mr. Roger More, called the Blue Banks, w^here he is a 
going to build another very large brick house. This bluff 
is at least a hundred feet high, and has a beautiful prospect 
over a fine large meadow, on the opposite side of the river ; 
the houses are all built on the south-west side of the river, 
it being for the most part high champaign land : the other side 
is very much subject to overflow, but I cannot learn they 



56 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

have lost but one crop. J, am credibly informed they have 
very commonly four-score bushels of corn on an acre of their 
oveiflowed land. It very rarely overflows but in the winter 
time, when their crop is off. I must confess I saw the finest 
corn growing there, that ever I saw in my life, as likewise 
wheat and hemp. We lodged there that night at one Cap- 
tain Gibbs's, adjoining to Mr. More's plantation, where we 
met with very good entertainment. The next morning we 
left his house, and proceeded up the said river to a planta- 
tion belonging to Mr. John Davis, where we dined. The 
plantations on this river are all very much alike as to the situ- 
ation ; but there are many more improvements on some than 
on others : this house is built after the Dutch fashion, and 
made to front both ways on the river, and on the land, he 
has a beautiful avenue cut through the woods for above two 
miles, w'hich is a great addition to the house. We left his 
house about two in the afternoon, and the same evening 
reached Mr. Nathaniel ]\lore's plantation, which is reckoned 
forty miles from Brunswick. It is likewise a very pleasant 
place on a bluff upwards of sixty feet high. I forbore men- 
tioning any thing either as to the goodness or the badness 
of the land in my passage from South Carolina, it beihg, in 
short, nothing but a sandy bank from Winneaw ferry to 
Brunswick ; and, indeed, the town itself is not much better 
at present : it is that which has given this place such a bad 
name on account of the land, it being the only road to South 
Carolina, from the northern part of the continent, and as 
there are a great many travellers from New York, New 
England, &lc., who go to Charleston, having been asked 
what sort of land they have in Cape Fear, have not stuck 
out to say, that it is all a mere sand bank ; but let those gen- 
tlemen take a view of the rivers, and they will soon be con- 
vinced to the contrary as well as myself, who, must confess, 
till then was of their opinion, but now am convinced by 
ocular demontration, for I have not so much as seen one foot 
of bad land since my leaving Brunswick. About three days 
after my arrival at Mr. IMorc's, there came a sloop of one 
hundred tons, and upward, from South Carolina, to be laden 
with corn, which is sixty miles at least from the bar. I never 
yet heard of any man who was ever at the head of that 
river, but they tell mc, the higher you go up the better the 
land, and the river grows wider and wider. There are peo- * 



A New Voyage to Georgia. 57 

pie settled at least forty miles higher up, but indeed the 
tide does not flow, at the most above twenty miles higher. 
Two days after, I was taken very ill of an ague and jfever, 
which continued on me for near a month, in which time my 
companions left me, and returned to South Carolina. When 
I began to recover my health a little, 1 mentioned to Mr. 
More the great desire I had to see Waccamaw Lake, as I 
had heard so much talk of it, and had been myself a great 
way up the river, that I was sure by the course of the 
country, I could not be above twenty miles from thence, he 
told me he had a negro fellow, who he thought could carry 
me to it, and that he would accompany me himself, with 
some others of his acquaintance. On the 18th of July, we 
set out from his house on horseback, with every one his gun, 
and took the ne2;ro with us. We rode about four miles on 
a direct course through an open pine barren, when we came 
to a large cane swamp, about half a mile through, which we 
crossed in about an hour's time, but it was astonishing to 
see the innumerable sight of musquetoes, and the largest 
that ever I saw in my life, for they made nothing to fetch 
blood of us, through our buckskin gloves, coats and jackets. 
As soon as we got through that swamp, we came to another 
open pine barren, where we saw a great herd of deer, the 
largest and fattest that ever I saw in those parts : we made 
shift to kill a brace of them, which we made a hearty dinner 
on. We rode about two miles farther, when we came to 
another cane swamp, where we shot a large she-bear and 
two cubs. It was so large that it was with great difficulty 
we got through it. When we got on the other side, it began 
to rain very hard, or otherwise, as far as I know, we might 
have shot ten brace of deer, for they were almost as thick 
as in the parks in England, and did not seem to be in the 
least afraid of us, for I questionnmuch whether they had ever 
seen a man in their hves before, for they seemed to look on 
us as amazed. W^e made shift as well as we could to reach 
the lake the same night, but had but litde pleasure ; it con- 
tinuing to rain very hard, we made a large fire of light wood, 
and slept as well as we could that night. The next morn- 
ing we took a particular view of it, and 1 think it is the plea- 
santest place that ever I saw in my life. It is at least eighteen 
^ miles round, surrounded with exceeding good land, as oak 
of all sorts, hickory, and fine cypress swamps. There is an 

VOL. II. 8 



58 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

old Indian field to be seen, which shows it was formerly in- 
habited by them, but I believe not within these fifty years, for 
there is scarce one of the Cape Fear Indians, or the Wac- 
cumaws, that can give any account of it. There is plenty 
of deer, wild turkeys, geese, and ducks, and fish in abun- 
dance ; we shot sufficient to serve forty men, though there was 
but six of us. We went almost round it, but there is on the 
north-east side a small cypress swamp, so deep that we could 
not go through it ; we returned back again on a direct line, 
being resolved to find how far it was on a straight course 
from the north-west branch of Cape Fear river, which we 
found did not exceed ten miles. 

We returned back to Mr. More's that same night, having 
satisfied our curiosity, and the next morning set out with an 
intent to take a view of the north-east branch, on which 
there is a great deal of good land, but not in my opinion, for 
the generality, so good as on the north-west, but I think the 
river is much more beautiful. We lay that first night at 
Newtown, in a small hut, and the next day reached Rocky 
Point, which is the finest place in all Cape Fear. There are 
several very worthy gentlemen settled there, particularly 
Colonel Maurce More, Captain Heme, John Swan, Esq., and 
several others. We stayed there one night, and the next 
morning set out on horseback to take a view of the land 
backwards, imagining that there might be only a skirt of good 
land on the river, but I am sure I rode for above twenty 
miles back, through nothing but black walnut, oak and hick- 
ory ; we returned the same night to Rocky Point, and the 
next morning set out for a plantation belonging to Mr. John 
Davis, within six miles of Brunswick, where I was a second 
time taken ill, so that I thought I should have died ; but by 
the providence of God, and the care of good Mrs. Davis, I 
recovered in a fortnight's time, so that I was able to set out 
on my journey to South Carolina. I took leave of that 
worthy family on the 10th of August, when she was so kind 
as to force me to take a botUe of shrub, and several other 
things with me. I reached Mr. Roger More's the same 
night, where I was again handsomely received, but being re- 
solved to set out on my journey the next morning, he gen- 
erously offered me a horse to carry me to the house where I 
was obliged to leave mine on the road, as likewise a servant 
to attend me, which I refused. I left his house the next 



A New Voyage to Georgia. 59 

morning, being the 11th of August, at half an hour after 
seven, and reached Brunswick by eight. 1 set out from 
thence about nine, and about four miles from thence met my 
landlord of Lockvvood Folly, who was in hopes I would stay 
at his house all night. About two I arrived there with much 
difficulty, it being a very hot day, and myself very faint and 
weak, when I called for a dram, and to my great sorrow 
found not one drop of rum, sugar, or Hme juice in the house, 
(a pretty place to stay all night indeed,) so was obliged to 
make use of my own bottle of shrub, which made me resolve 
never to trust the country again on a long journey. About 
five 1 ferried over in order to proceed to Captain Hernes's ; 
but about half way between that and Charlotte met. him 
going to Brunswick. About eight I reached litde Charlotte, 
where I waited for the ferry-boat till nine, in which time I 
had like to have been devoured by musquetoes ; about half 
an hour after I arrived at Captain Hernes's, and, thank God, 
met with good entertainment. 1 slept very well all the 
night, and in the morning, about ten, set out on my journey 
to Little river, and reached there about three. I met with 
a very prating fellow there, that diverted me very much. I 
immediately ordered my horse to be got up, but to my great 
grief found him in a w'orse condition than w'hen 1 left him, 
the negroes having rode him to that degree without a saddle, 
that he had a swelling in the middle of his back as big as my 
double fist, which hindered my proceeding in my journey 
that night as I intended ; but by applying things to his back, 
it broke before morning, which in some measure eased him. 
At seven the next morning I left his house, and by eight 
reached the Long bay. When I was about half way over the 
bay, I intended to stop at the next spring and take a tiff of 
punch ; but by some unfortunate accident, I know not how, 
when I came within sight of the spring, my bottle unluckily 
broke, and I lost every drop of my shrub ; but examining 
my bags, I accidentally found a bottle of cherry brandy, with 
some gingerbread and cheese, which I believe good IMrs. 
More ordered to be put up unknown to me. I drank two 
drams of that, not being willing it should all be lost in case 
it should break, and mounting my horse, took some ginger- 
bread and cheese in my hand and pursued my journey, and 
by eleven reached Bulloyns, or the end of the bay ; by 
eight I reached Murrels, where I met with plenty of rum, 



60 A New Voyage to Georgia. 

sugar, and lime juice, and a good pasture for my horse, but 
no corn. The next morning I set out from thence, and by 
noon reached Masters's, or Winneaw ferry ; but the ferry-boat 
being gone adrift, could not get over till near ten at night, 
after I had supped upon a wild turkey. The next morning 
I set out from Shingleton's, or the ferry on the other side, 
and the same night reached Daubuth's. The next morning 
I set out from thence, and about two miles from the house 
met with a possum, which is very like a little pig ; it has a 
false belly, so that when they have young ones, if you fright 
them, they immediately run into the bag, which closes up 
immediately. I reached Witton's by noon, and had my pos- 
sum dressed for dinner ; the same night I reached Mr. More's 
in Goose creek, and the next night I arrived at Charleston, 
on the 7th day of August, where 1 remained till the 23d of 
November, when I set sail for England, and arrived safe in 
London on the 3d of January, 1734-5. 



A CURIOUS ACCOUNT OF THE INDIANS. 



BY AN HONORABLE PERSON. 



There seems to be a door opened to our colony, towards 
the conversion of the Indians. I have had many conversa- 
tions with their chief men, the whole tenor of which shows 
that there is nothing wanting to their conversion, but one, 
who understands their language w^ell, to explain to them the 
mysteries of religion ; for as to the moral part of Christianity 
they understand it and do assent to it. They abhor adul- 
tery, and do not approve of a plurality of wives. Theft is a 
thing not known among the Creek nations, though frequent, 
and even honorable, amongst the Uchees. Murder they 
look on as a most abominable crime, but do not esteem the 
killing of an enemy, or one that has injured them, murder. 
The passion of revenge, which they call honor, and drunk- 
enness, which they learn from our traders, seem to be the 
two greatest obstacles to their being truly Christians. But 
upon both these points they hear reason, and with respect to 
drinking rum, I have weaned those near me a good deal from 
it. As for revenge, they say, as they have no executive 
power of justice amongst them, they are forced to kill the 
man who has injured them, in order to prevent others from 
doing the like ; but they do not think that any injury, except 
adultery or murder, deserves revenge. They hold that if a 
man commits adultery, the injured husband is obliged to have 
revenge, by cutting off the ears of the adulterer, which if he 
is too sturdy and strong to submit to, then the injured hus- 
band kills him the first opportunity he has to do it with safety. 
In cases of murder, the next in blood is obliged to kill the 
murderer, or else he is looked on as infamous in the nation 



62 A Curious Account of the Indians. 

where he lives ; and the weakness of the executive power is 
such, that here is no other way of punishment but by the 
revenger of blood, as the Scripture calls it. For there is no 
coercive power in any of their nations. Their kings can do 
no more than to persuade. All the power they have is no 
more than to call their old men and captains together, and to 
propound to them the measures they think proper. After 
they have done speaking, all the others have liberty to give 
their opinions also ; and they reason together with great tem- 
per and modesty, till they have brought each other into some 
unanimous resolution : then they call in the young men, and 
recommend to them the putting in execution the resolution, 
with their strongest and most lively eloquence. And, indeed, 
they seem to me, both in action and expression, to be thorough 
masters of true eloquence. In speaking to their young men, 
they generally address to the passions : in speaking to their 
old men they apply to reason only. Tomo Chichi, in his first 
set speech to me, among other things, said, here is a little 
present ; and then gave me a buffalo's skin, painted on the 
inside with the head and feathers of an eagle. He desired 
me to accept it, because the eagle signified speed and the 
buffalo strength. That the English were as swift as the bird, 
and as strong as the beast ; since, like the first, they flew 
from the utmost parts of the earth over the vast seas, and, 
like the second, nothing could withstand them. That the 
feathers of the eagle were soft, and signified love ; the buf- 
falo's skin warm, and signified protection ; therefore he 
hoped that we would love and protect their little families. 
One of the Indians of the Cherokee nation being come down 
to the governor, told him, that he need fear nothing, but might 
speak freely. He answered smartly, I always speak freely ; 
what should I fear? I am now among my friends, and I 
never feared even among my enemies. Another instance of 
their short manner of speaking was, when I ordered one of 
the Carolina boatmen, who was drunk, and had beaten an 
Indian, to be tied to a gun, till he was sober, in order to be 
whipped ; Tomo Chichi came to me, to beg me to pardon 
him, which I refused to do, unless the Indian, who had been 
beaten should also desire the pardon for him. Tomo Chichi 
desired him so to do, but he insisted upon satisfaction ; upon 
which Tomo Chichi said, Fonseka, (for that was his name) 
this Englishman being drunk, has beat you ; if he is whipped 



A Curious Account of the Indians. 63 

for so doing, the Englishmen will expect, that if an Indian 
should insult them when drunk, the Indian should be whipped 
for it. When you are drunk you are quarrelsome, and you 
know you love to be drunk, but you do not love to be 
whipped. Fonseka was convinced, and begged me to par- 
don the man ; which, as soon as I granted, Tomo Chichi and 
Fonseka ran and untied him, which I perceived was done to 
show that he owed his safety to their intercession. 



JAMES OGLETHORPE, ESQ 



ON HIS LATE ARRIVAL FROM GEORGIA. 



The zeal that in thy god-like bosom glows, 

The deeds of thy heroic life disclose. 

Let Twickenham's bard, in his immortal lays, 

Give thee the humble tribute of our praise. 

No brighter scene his Homer could display, 

Than that in thy adventures we survey. 

In vain the sun, with his all-cheering light. 

Draws back the sable curtains of the night : 

A night of darkness, and a gloomy shade, 

The drooping sons of Want still overspread. 

Indulgent Providence has thee design'd, 

Its blessings to diffuse on human kind. 

From thee the happiness of numbers springs. 

And Plenty o'er them broods with out-stretch'd wings : 

Products a British colony can boast. 

For which some foreign climes are envied most. 

The merchant hence unwrought the silk imports. 

To which we owe the blaze of queens and courts: 

Here grows the vine as in its native soil. 

To crown our banquets and reward thy toil. 

We own thee great, and in the noblest sense, 

The triumph of thy own benevolence. "^ 

Fading are all the laurels of the field, ^pP 

Compared to those which thy campaign does yield. ' "■ 

Savannah does in smooth meanders glide. 

And rolls within its banks a silver tide ; 

No verdant plains of Georgia we view 

With blood discolor'd, or a purple hue ; 

But cities founded, and new conquests made, 

Without the slain that Marlbro's triumphs shade. 

On heathen savages thy virtues gain, 
And to the gospel their assent obtain ; 
No miracles they want, but have in thee 
A living i)roof of its divinity. 
Thy tongue their feeble arguments disarms, 
And like an angel's their attention charms. 



Lines addressed to Oglethorpe. 65 

The wand'ring emigrant* may now descry 

A land that sacred is to liberty. 

He'll bless the men that did this port provide, 

And to it safely then the shipwreck'd guide. 

With such achievements 'tis thy generous strife 

To fill the small circumference of life : 

No pleasures thy superior mind can know, 

But what from these, as from their fountains flow : 

Dress, building, equipage, and gaudy state, 

Ne'er can a true magnificence create ; 

But solid piety and ardent love, 

Are graces which adorn the saints above. 

Thy great example will in story shine, 

A favorite theme with poet and divine : 

Posterity thy merits shall proclaim. 

And heap new honors on thy deathless name. 



(From the Gentlemen's Magazine for September, 1734.) 

TO THE HONORABLE JAMES OGLETHORPE, ESQ. 



ON HIS RETURN FROM GEORGIA. 

Fading are laurels won in martial fields, 
But thy campaign, the peaceful olive yields. 
The deeds of thy heroic life disclose. 
The zeal that in thy godlike bosom glows. 
Let nervous Pope, in his immortal lays. 
Recite thy actions, and record thy praise ; 
No brighter scenes his Homer could display, 
Than in thy great adventures we survey. 
In vain the sun returns with cheerful light. 
And drives the dusky horrors of the night, 
If thousands wake but to renew their pains, 
Pining with want, or, held in slavish chains ; 
For these thy gen'rous care redress provides. 
And to a plenteous friendly country guides ; 
Where free from persecution's cruel zeal. 
The exil'd emigrants in safety dwell ; 
Indulgent Providence through thee displays, 
In darkened climes the gospel's heavenly rays- 
No longer now on smooth Savannah's plain 
Idolatry shall spread its savage reign, 

* The persecuted Protestants of Saltxburg so called. 
VOL. II. 9 



66 lAnes addressed to Ogletlmye. 

But truth appear and useful arts prevail ; 
Hence annual vessels shall to Europe sail 
With the gay treasures of the silky spoil, 
And Georgian flow'rets bloom in Britain's isle ; 
Or with rich juices wliich the vineyard yields, 
That spreads luxuriant o'er uncultur'd fields. 
Hail, happy clime ! whose plains no armies vex. 
Nor purple gore with thy clear rivers mix, 
But cities rise, and peaceful conquests spread. 
And trium|)hs which no martial slaughters shade. 
Hail, Oglethorpe! with nobler trophies crown'd. 
Than ever were in camps or sieges found ; 
On heathens wild thy powerful virtues gain, 
And to the gospel quick ascent obtain, 
No miracles they want, but view in thee 
A living proof of its divinity. 
Thy tongue their feeble arguments disarms, 
' And, like an angel, their attention charms ; 

With such achievements 'tis thy gen'rous strife, 
To till the small circumference of life. 
No pleasures thy superior mind can know, 
But what from these, as from their fountains flow. 
Dress, building, equipage and pompous state, 
Can never true magnificence create, 
But the rich virtues that thy bosom warm. 
Are graces which the eyes of angels charm, 
Thy great example shall through ages shine, 
A fav'rite theme ! with poet and divine : 
People unborn thy merits shall proclaim, 
And add new honors to thy deathless name. 



A STATE 



OF THE 



PEOVINCE OF GEORGIA, 



ATTESTED UPON OATH 



IN THE COURT OF SAVANNAH, 



NOVEMBER 10, 1740. 



LONDON: 
PRINTED FOR W, MEADOWS, AT THE ANGEL IN CORNHILL. 

MDCCXLII. 



NOTE. 

This paper, drawn up at the suggestion of the Trustees, by William Ste- 
phens, Esq., secretary of the colony, for the purpose of vindicating them 
from the aspersions, which some turbulent men had thrown upon them, was 
designed to be read and signed in open court in the town of Savannah. 

The following is secretary Stephens's account of the occasion : — "Mon- 
day, November 10th, 1740. The court met as appointed, when nothing 
happened more than what I expected ; for it could not be, but those few 
who remained among us, that were tinged with the same principles, and 
disposition, wherewith our late club were actuated, would give all the 
opposition they possibly could, to every thing that tended to vindicate the 
Trustees from the foul reflections which they had been the occasion of being 
thrown upon them ; thus prepared at a court holden this day, purposely 
for the occasion, I was to see what would be the event of those matters, 
which I had been so long collecting, to show what was the real present 
state of this colony; wherein let what would happen, I could at least 
have the inward satisfaction of mind, to acquit myself of any partiality, 
or of attempting to impose upon any person's understanding, the least 
tittle of what 1 was not in myself fully convinced either from my own 
knowledge, or from the most certain information I could obtain from 
others, was unquestionably true : nevertheless, I well knew, from what I 
had observed before, that an opposition was ready, whenever I should 
begin to lay open what I had to offer ; which I did, by reading as audibly 
and distinctly as I could, those sheets of paper which were intended to 
be sent to the Trust ; containing what I had entitled, and what I firmly 
believed was, the present state of the colony. After I had so done, and 
a little pause thereon, Mr. Duchee stood forth, and the first complaint he 
bestowed was, that he thought what I had read contained more oil than 
corn ; that he expected to have heard the people's grievances set forth, 
and remedies proposed for redressing them, &c., directing his discourse 
to the assembly, and putting them in mind of what they ought to think 
most valuable : whereupon 1 could no longer sit still, without telling him 
that I thought it was not the present business of the court to attend all 
controversy that might arise on such a subject : that I was determined 
not to ask any one person to sign it, for unless they did it voluntarily, I 
thought it of little value ; wherefore, after signing it myself, I should 
leave it to every body to do as they pleased. Accordingly, I set my hand 
to it, and immediately Mr. Parker, as first bailiff", did the same ; then it 
was offered to the second, (Mr. Fallowfield), who, in a surly manner, 
refused it ; after which, the third bailiff", Mr. Jones, signed it. Noble Jones, 
and others, promiscuously, all being sworn as they signed the contents. 
But Mr. Fallowfield, rising suddenly from the bench and going out with 
Mr. Duchee, most of the common people, in a sort of confusion, went 
also out of court (whether upon a signal given or not I could not tell) ; 
about twenty only putting their hands to it and taking their oaths in 
course. I took care notice should be given, that the book should lay open 
at my house for a few days, till I found an opportunity of sending it to 
the Trust, during which time, any person who had an inclination to join 
us, and had any scruples about him, might freely read it, and be informed 
by me in any thing concerning it, that was in my power to evince the 
truth of; and so ended this affair for the present." 

This account will give some idea of the contentions then existing, and 
of the height to which they raged. Most of the gentlemen whose names 
are affixed to this paper, were of great respectability, and undoubted in- 
tegrity, and so far as the partisans of any cause which excites violent 
opposition can be trusted, their assertions are entitled to consideration. 



A STATE 



PROVINCE OF GEORGIA, 



ATTESTED UPON OATH IN THE COURT OF SAVANNAH, 
NOVEMBER 10, 1740. 



The province of Georgia lies from the most northern 
stream of the river Savannah (the mouth of which is in the 
latitude of thirty-two degrees) along the sea-coast, to the 
most southern stream of the Alatamaha (the mouth of which 
is thirty and a half degrees) and westward from the heads 
of the said rivers, respectively in direct lines to the South 
Seas. 

This province was part of South Carolina ; but the eastern 
and southern parts of it, inhabited by the Creek Indians, the 
northern by the Cherokees and Chickasaws, the western by 
the Choctaws, the Bluemouths, and other Indian nations, to 
the South Sea. The Creek Indians, who always acknowl- 
edged the king of England for their sovereign, yet made war 
with the people of Carolina, to obtain satisfaction for injuries 
done by their pedling traders. The war was concluded by 
a peace, which obliged the people of Carolina not to settle 
beyond the river Savannah ; and no Englishman was settled 
within this district, that we know of, when the first colony of 
Georgia arrived. The country was then all covered with 
woods. Mr. Oglethorpe agreed with the Indians, and pur- 
chased of them the limits mentioned in the treaty. 

The town of Savannah was laid out, and began to be 
built, in which are now one hundred and forty-two houses, 
and good habitable huts. The soil, in general, when cleared, 



70 A State of the Province of Georgia^ 

is productive of Indian corn, rice, peas, potatoes, pumpkins, 
melons, and many other kinds of gourds, in great quantities ; 
wheat, oats, barley, and other European grains, it is found 
by divers experiments, may be propagated in many parts 
(more especially in the uplands toward Augusta), with suc- 
cess. Mulberry trees and vines agree exceeding well with 
the soil and climate, and so does the annual cotton, whereof 
large quantities have been raised, and it is much planted ; 
but the cotton, which in some parts is perennial, dies here in 
the winter, Vvhich, nevertheless, the annual is not inferior to 
in goodness, but requires more trouble in cleansing from the 
seed. Cattle, hogs, poultry, and fruit trees of most kinds, 
have increased even beyond imagination. 

Ships of about three hundred tons can come up to the 
town, where the worm (which is the plague of the Ameri- 
can seas) does not eat ; and the river is navigable for large 
boats, as far as the town of Augusta, which lies in the lati- 
tude of 33 deg. 5 min., and is 250 miles distant from Savannah 
by water ; small boats can go three hundred miles further to 
the Cherokees. 

, There is already a considerable trade in the river ; and 
there is in this town a court-house, a gaol, a storehouse, a 
large house for receiving the Indians, a wharf or bridge, a 
guard-house, and some other public buildings ; a public gar- 
den of ten acres cleared, fenced, and planted with orange- 
trees, mulberry-trees, vines, some olives which thrive very 
well, peaches, apples, &c. 

It must be confessed that oranges have not so universally 
thriven with us, as was expected, by reason of some severe 
blasts by frosts in the spring ; yet divers with proper care 
have preserved them ; and as we see them grow and thrive 
well, with many of our neighbors of Carolina to the north- 
ward, we are convinced that they will with us also, as soon 
as we are become more perfect in the knowledge of propa- 
gating them in a right manner ; in order to which frequent 
experiments are making ; and we have already discovered not 
only what kind of soil agrees best with them, but also that they 
flourish most when they grow under forest trees, whereby 
we imagine they are protected from blasts ; and it is ob- 
served that they take no harm from the droppings of any, 
except the pine, which suffers nothing to grow near it, unless 
of its own kind. 



A State of the Province of Georgia. 71 

Notwithstanding the quantity of silk, hitherto made, has 
not been great, yet it increases, and will more and more con- 
siderably, as the mulberry trees grow, whereof there are 
great numbers yearly planted. 

Vines likewise of late are greatly increased, many people 
appearing to have an emulation of outdoing their neighbors ; 
and this year has produced a considerable quantity of very 
fine grapes, whereof one planter in particular made a trial, to 
see what kind of wine they would make, which he put into 
a large stone botde, and made a present of it to the General, 
who, upon tasting, said he found it to be something of the 
nature of a small French white wine, with an agreeable fla- 
vor ; and several persons here, who have lived formerly in 
countries where there are a plenty of vineyards, do affirm, 
that all young vines produce small wines at first, and the 
strength and goodness of it increases as the vines grow 
older. 

Three miles up the river there is an Indian town, and at 
six miles distance are several considerable plantations ; at ten 
miles distance are some more, and at fifteen miles distance 
is a little village, called Abercorn. 

Above that, on the Carolina side is the town of Purys- 
burg, twenty-two miles from Savannah ; and on the Geor- 
gia side, twelve miles from Purysburg, is the town of Eben- 
ezer, which thrives very much ; there are very good houses 
built for each of the ministers, and an orphan house ; and 
they have partly framed houses, and partly huts, neatly 
built, and formed into regular streets ; they have a great deal 
of cattle and corn ground, so that they sell provisions at 
Savannah ; for they raise much more than they can consume. 

Thirty miles above Ebenezer, on the Carolina side, lies 
the Palachocolas Fort. Five miles above the Palachocolas, 
on Georgia side, lies the Euchee town (or Mount Pleasant) 
to which about a hundred Indians belong ; but few of them 
stay now in the town, they choosing rather to five dispersed. 
All the land from Ebenezer to the river Briers belongs to 
those Indians, who will not part with the same, therefore it 
cannot be planted. 

One hundred and forty-four miles above Mount Pleasant, 
on the Carolina side, is Silver Bluff, where there is another 
settlement of Euchee Indians : on both sides of the river are 
fields of corn planted by them. 



72 A State of the Province of Georgia. 

Thirty miles above Silver Bluff is New Windsor, formerly 
known by the name of Savannah town, or Moore's fort, 
where there are but two or three families on the Carolina 
side, and a small fort. 

Seven miles above New Windsor, on the Georgia side, 
lies the town of Augusta, just below the Falls ; this was laid 
out by the trustees' orders in the year 1735, which has 
thriven prodigiously ; there are several warehouses thoroughly 
well furnished with goods for the Indian trade, and five 
large boats belonging to the different inhabitants of the town, 
which can carry about nine or ten thousand weight of deer- 
skins each, making four or five voyages at least in a year to 
Charleston, for exporting to England; and the value of each 
cargo is computed to be from twelve to fifteen hundred 
pounds sterling. Hither all the English traders, with their 
servants, resort in the spring ; and it is computed above two 
thousand horses come thither at that season ; and the traders, 
packhorsemen, servants, townsmen, and others, depending 
upon that business, are moderately computed to be six hun- 
dred white men, who live by their trade, carrying upon pack- 
horses all kinds of proper English goods ; for which the In- 
dians pay in deer-skins, beaver, and other furs ; each Indian 
hunter is reckoned to get three hundred weight of deer-skins 
in a year. This is a very advantageous trade to England, 
since it is mostly paid for in woollen and iron. 

Above this town to the north-west, and on the Georgia 
side of the river, the Cherokees live, in the valley of the 
Appelachin mountains ; they were about five thousand war- 
riors ; but last year it is computed they lost a thousand, 
partly by the small-pox, and partly (as they themselves say) 
by too much rum brought from Carolina. The French are 
striving to get this nation from us, which if they do, Carolina 
must be supported by a vast number of troops, or lost : but 
as long as we keep the town of Augusta, our party in the 
Cherokees can be so easily furnished with arms, ammuni- 
tion and necessaries, that the French will not be able to gain 
any ground there. 

The Creek Indians live to the westward of this town. 
Their chief town is the Cowetas, two hundred miles from 
Augusta, and one hundred and twenty miles from the near- 
est French fort. The lower Creeks consist of about a thou- 
sand, and the upper Creeks of about seven hundred war- 



A State of the Province of Georgia. 73 

riors, upon the edge of whose country, the French fort of 
Albamahs lies : they are esteemed to be sincerely attached 
to his majesty's interest. 

Beyond the Creeks lie the brave Chickasaws, who in- 
habit near the Mississippi river, and possess the banks of it ; 
these have resisted both the bribes and arms of the French, 
and traders sent by us live amongst them. 

At Augusta there is a handsome fort, where there is a 
small garrison of about twelve or fifteen men, besides offi- 
cers ; and one reason that drew the traders to settle the 
town of Augusta, was the safety they received from this fort, 
which stands upon high ground on the side of the river Sa- 
vannah, which is there one hundred and forty yards wide, 
and very deep ; another reason was the richness and fertility 
of the land. The great value of this town of Augusta occa- 
sioned the General to have a path marked out, through the 
woods, from thence to Old Ebenezer ; and the Cherokee 
Indians have marked out one from thence to their nation, so 
that horsemen now can ride from the town of Savannah to 
the nation of Cherokees, and any other of the Indian nations, 
all on the Georgia side of the river ; but there are some bad 
places which ought to be causewayed and made good, and 
which the General says he has not yet capacity to do. This 
road begins to be frequented, and will every day be more 
and more so, and by it the Cherokee Indians can at any 
time come down to our assistance. 

At Old Ebenezer there is a cow-pen, where the trustees 
have a great number of cattle, and it is hoped with care they 
will amount to six or seven hundred head in another year. 
But they were much neglected, there not being horses or 
men sufficient to drive up the young and out-lying cattle. 

This is the situation of the settlements upon the river, at 
the mouth of which lies the island of Tybee, with the light- 
house, which has been of the greatest use to all ships falling 
in with this part of America. But from Savannah south- 
ward, there are several plantations, (besides the villages of 
Hampstead and Highgate,) several of which are settled by 
such of the inhabitants of the town, as being able to pur- 
chase cattle, have petitioned for leases of lands, and are 
settled upon those lands by the General's permission, until 
the trustees' pleasure be known concerning the leases. The 
terms they propose, is the lease to be for twenty-one years, 

VOL. II. 10 



74 A State of the Province of Georgia. 

renewable every seven years, upon paying one year's pur- 
chase of the improved value ; the first seven years to be free, 
and no fine paid for the first renewal. Besides these settle- 
ments, there are some others of five hundred acres per grant 
from the trust, which extend as far as the Ogechee river ; 
upon which river lies Fort Argyle, in such a situation as is 
intended thereby to command all the passes in that part of 
the province. 

The next is Darien, where the Scots Highlanders are set- 
tled ; the buildings are mostly huts,'but tight and warm ; and 
they have a little fort. They have been industrious in plant- 
ing, and have got into driving of cattle, for the supply of the 
regiment, &c. ; but this last year most of them going volun- 
tarily into the war, little was done at home, where there 
families remained. 

Below the town of Darien, is the town of Frederica, where 
there is a strong fort, and store-houses, many good buildings 
in the town, some of which are brick. There is a meadow 
near adjoining that is ditched in, of about three hundred and 
twenty acres, of which there is good hay made. The peo- 
ple have not planted much there this year, occasioned by the 
war so near their doors, and being chiefly tradesmen, who 
make more by working, or selling to the camp, than they can 
by planting. There are some little villages upon the island 
of St. Simons, and some very handsome houses built by the 
officers of the regiment ; and there has been pot-herbs, 
pulse, and fruits produced upon the island, of great use to- 
wards supplying the tow^n and garrison. But corn, beer and 
meat they have fi'om elsewhere. 

Between this island and Jekyll island, is an inlet of the 
sea, called Jekyll sound, which is a very fine harbor, and is 
one of the best entries the English have to the southward of 
Virginia. This is an excellent station for ships to cruise on 
the Spaniards, it commanding the homeward-bound trade, 
which must come through the gulf of Florida, and near St. 
Simons ; the entry Hes in 31 degrees 10 minutes. The place 
is barred, but upon the bar there is water sufficient every 
tide to carry in twenty-gun ships ; and taking the best op- 
portunity, forty-gun ships may be carried in to refit — a 
great conveniency to a squadron in this place. Upon Jekyll 
island there is but very litde good land, not above three or 
four hundred acres, the rest being sandy sea-beach. Mr. 



A State of the Province of Georgia. 75 

Horton has his lot upbn this island, and has made great im- 
provements there. To the southward of Jekjll Hes the 
island of Cumberland, and the fort of St. Andrews, situated 
upon a fine commanding ground ; and on the south-east of 
the same island, is another strong fort called fort William, 
which commands Amelia sound, and the inland passage from 
Augustine. The next island is Ameha ; beyond that is St. 
Johns, one of the Spanish outguards ; and between forty 
and fifty miles from that is Augustine. 

We are now fully acquainted with the colony, and what it 
will produce ; the inland part is hilly, till it rises into moun- 
tains, w'here all kinds of timber grow. Near the sea the 
ground is more level and flat, where laurels, cedars, cypress, 
bays, and live oak, are of the size of timber trees. Among 
the shrubs, some of the principal are pomegranates, which 
will grow well in hedges, myrtle, prickly pears, shumach, sas- 
safras, China root, several sorts of snake-root, &,c. There 
is commonly black mould in the low lands ; the rising ground 
is frequently clay, where oak and hickory mostly grow ; as it 
also does in a great part of the flat land that is dry, where 
walnut, ash, gum-tree, oak of several kinds, hickory, beech, 
wild cherries, &c., are in great plenty to be found. The 
higher lands are of a sandy surface, where pines usually 
grow, all parts producing trees of some kind or other, except 
the savannahs and marshes, which bear grass ; and many of 
the low land swamps covered with canes, which are excellent 
feed for cattle in the winter. Where the oak and hickory 
grow, the soil is in general of a strong nature, and very well 
esteemed for planting, being found by experience to produce 
the best crops of Indian corn, and most sorts of grain, except 
rice, which thrives best in swampy ground. This is only 
spoken of the lower parts of Georgia, which reaches from 
the sea-shore to the foot of the hills, being a flat country of 
sixty or seventy miles, or more, in breadth. The hill country 
is very different, there being marble, chalk, gravel, rocks, and 
all the same variety of soil that is in Europe. With respect 
to the proportion of the different kinds of soil, it cannot be 
given, unless the whole were surveyed ; but th6 American 
dialect distinguishes land into pine, oak and hickory, swamp, 
savannah, and marsh. Near the town of Savannah we have 
found stone, w^hich is dug for building; as there is also good 
clay, whereof bricks are made ; and a pottery work is carried 



76 A State of the Province of Georgia. 

on with success, where common ware for most uses is made 
in good plenty, and exported to the neighboring provinces ; 
and the master, who is of an enterprising genius, has under- 
taken, as soon as he has made proper furnaces, to make a 
superfine sort, of such as shall not be inferior to porcelain 
itself; but a little time will discover his further performances. 

The coast is low, with a hard, sandy beach. When we 
approach it, at twenty-five leagues distance, we find ground 
in twenty-five fathom water, and it shoals gradually to the 
shore ; the sounding being so regular, makes it a safe coast 
to fall in with, having good anchoring all along, and no rocks. 
The mouths of the rivers Savannah and Alatamaha make a 
great number of islands, and the entries between them form 
good harbors. To the southward of Tybee are the following 
entries, viz. : Wassaw, Ossebah, St. Catherines, Sapello, 
Doboy, St. Simons, which is the north entry to Frederica ; 
Jekyll sound, which is the south entry to Frederica, to which 
place the channel is navigable, from the ordinary place of 
anchoring in the sound, for ships of a good burden up to the 
town. 

The staple of the country of Georgia being presumed, 
and intended to be principally silk and wine, every year con- 
firms more our hopes of succeeding in those two, from the 
great increase (as has been before observed) of the vines 
and mulberry-trees, wherein perseverance only can bring it 
to perfection. Several other things might be produced, and 
perhaps more immediately profitable to the planters ; but it 
is apprehended, that it is not any business of this colony, nor 
any benefit to the trade of England, to interfere with what 
other English plantations have produced, such as rice, &c. 

As the boundaries of the colony are now known, together 
with the climate and manner of agriculture, more might be 
done henceforward in one year than could in several years 
before we attained to that knowledge ; but our people are 
weak, being decreased by great numbers, having been de- 
coyed away to other colonies. Many having taken to idle- 
ness, upon shutting up the store went away ; but those who 
stayed, and now remain, are still a body of the most valua- 
ble people, that find means to live comfortably, some by their 
trades, some by planting, and raising live stock, and some by 
their labor, either by land or water ; and one of those re- 
maining are worth three that left us, for such work. And if 



A State of the Province of Georgia. 77 

an embarkation was to come in with the next year, it w^ould 
be of great service to the colony, the SaUzburgers wishing 
for more of their countrymen, and having been very indus- 
trious. 

The persons sent from- England on the Charity were of 
the unfortunate, many of whom have, by their industry, 
proved that they deserved better, and have thriven ; many 
also showed they were brought into those misfortunes by 
their own faults ; and when those who quitted their own 
country to avoid labor, saw labor stand before their eyes in 
Georgia, they were easily persuaded to live in Carolina 
by cunning rather than work. This has been a great mis- 
fortune also upon many persons who brought over servants 
indented to serve them, for a certain number of years, who 
being picked up in the streets of London, or some such man- 
ner, their masters found them unfit for labor, and many of 
them took such opportunities as they could get, to desert and 
fly into Carolina, where they could be protected. Indeed, 
good and bad which came from England, were mostly in- 
habitants of towns there ; but such seldom turn out good 
husbandmen with their own hands ; yet some of them proved 
very useful in a new colony, since they most readily com- 
pose towns, which is the first thing necessary to be a recep- 
tacle for new comers ; and from thence, when all demands 
of labor, for building and trade are supplied, the laborious peo- 
ple may enlarge into the country, and raise provisions for the 
use of the towns. Whereas, if the first were all laboring 
countrymen, they would naturally disperse to the most fertile 
land, and perhaps succeed for a while ; but for want of 
neighborhood and markets, would force most of them to re- 
move, and the country remain little or nothing the better im- 
proved, as it happened in Virgina, till the government, with 
great difficulty at last, raised towns in that province. 

It ought not here to be passed over, 'how ready the coun- 
try is to receive a number of German families, accustomed to 
husbandry, such as usually come once a year down the 
Rhine to Holland, and embark thence for America or the 
East Indies ; some of these we have already had experience 
of, insomuch that the people here would take off a good 
number of them. And it would be of great service (as we 
apprehend) to this colony, at present, to send a ship over, 
laden with Germans, on the same terms Mr. Hope does to 



78 A State of the Province of Georgia. 

Philadelphia, only taking care that provisions for them on 
their passage be more plentiful, and that they are less crowd- 
ed than on board his ships. The terms are, they pay half 
their passage themselves on embarking, and six weeks after 
their arrival, to pay the other half, which they generally do, 
with private contracts to people ; but in case they do not, 
then they may be bound by the ship's master for four or five 
years, if they are above twenty-one years of age ; but if 
under, they may be bound until the age of twenty-one, if 
men, and eighteen if girls. It must be at the same time 
confessed, that divers of these foreigners have, during the 
time of their servitude, shown themselves of a dogged dis- 
position, surly and obstinate, discovering an averseness to 
their masters' orders, which proceeds (as we imagine) from 
a dislike of their being subject to strangers ; whilst others 
again have behaved well; but it may be alleged with truth, 
that when, or wheresoever among us, any of them have 
worked for their own benefit, they are indefatigable and out- 
done by none, which joined with great parsimony, fits them 
for excellent settlers when free. 

To enable the industrious English setders to go on with 
planting, who are truly desirous of cultivating land, we hum- 
bly conceive nothing could be a greater inducement to it, than 
that the honorable trustees would please to import yearly, so 
long as they see good, a number of English or Welch servants, 
such as are used to hard labor in the country, and strangers to 
London, to be contracted with in England, to serve the trus- 
tees for five years, from two to four pounds yearly wages, ac- 
cording to their ability, forfinding themselves in apparel. Those 
servants, on their arrival, to be hired by the inhabitants for 
one year, the person hii'ing to pay over and above the con- 
tracted wages, one pound yearly to the trustees, so that in 
five years the passage money will be paid. And to enable 
the planters to pay the said wages, it is humbly proposed, 
that a bounty be settled on every product of the land, viz., 
corn, peas, potatoes, wine, silk, cotton, flax, &c., to what 
value the honorable Trust shall judge meet, to be limited in the 
following, or any other manner, viz., for the first years 

the said bounty to be payable for corn, peas, potatoes, &c., 
only, and thenceforward to cease wholly, and the residue of 
years, wherein any bounty should be allowed, to be payable 
only for silk, wine, oil, &c., by which means the planter, so as- 



A State of the Province of Georgia. 79 

sisted, might be able to live, whilst at the same time he propa- 
gates vines, mulberry trees, &,c., from which he can expect no 
immediate benefit before they come to some maturity. A I'ule 
to be made, that they who hire the said servants shall employ 
them only in plantation-work of their own, and not let them 
out at hire to work at handicraft trades, or any other busi- 
ness, &.C. ; that each servant shall serve one whole year, and 
if they part at the year's end, he shall find himself another 
master within days, to serve for one year also, and so 

on to the end of their respective times to serve, by which 
means good masters will not want good servants, and it will 
be a great means to make other masters become good, in 
order to get good servants, or else be content with the bad, 
or none. If any disputes arise between masters and ser- 
vants, such to be determined by the magistrates, according 
to the laws of England, wherein the magistrate, concerned 
as a party, shall not appear as a judge, or offer to interfere 
with the opinion of the others, but acquiesce in their deter- 
mination, if it happens to be in favor of the servant, whom 
they ought to defend from cruel usage, and where they find 
such evil treatment, either through too severe correction, or 
want of sufficient wholesome food, according to the custom 
of the colony, the magistrates to have power of vacating 
such services, and obliging the servants to find another 
master. 

The kind intention of the honorable trustees to extend 
the tenure of lands in the manner proposed, (as signified to 
their secretary here,) gave great satisfaction to all reasonable 
persons, who seemed to desire no more, and only wish to 
find that ratified, which they apprehend to be not yet done, 
and that occasions some anxiety about it. 

Whether these helps, or whatever other the honorable 
trustees shall be pleased to afford us, the ability of the inhab- 
itants to support themselves must still in a great measure 
depend on the industry and frugality of each. Divers in the 
province who understand planting, and are already setded, 
provided they can attain to some live stock, can and do sup- 
port themselves. Men working for hire, boat-men, pack- 
horse-men, &c., support themselves very well, if they will 
work ; and more such would, were they to be found. Shop- 
keepers, tradesmen, and artificers, such as tallow-chandlers, 
soap-boilers, brasiers, saddlers, shoemakers, tanners, &,c., live 



80 A State of the Province of Georgia. 

very well on their business here, and many more might, were 
there more merchants to import goods for supplying the In- 
dian traders, which would increase the resort to Savannah, 
whereas those traders are now obliged to get the greatest 
part of what they want from Charleston, in South Carolina. 
New planters, and such as go on upon particular improve- 
ments, such as wine, silk, &c., will need some assistance. 
Magistrates, constables, tithing-men, and others whose time 
is taken up in the public service, require some allowance for 
the same. It is also needful for the well-being of the colony, 
that roads should be maintained ; posts for communicating of 
letters, and forts upon the frontiers, as well towards the In- 
dians as Spaniards, be supported. As likewise other public 
works, which the people here are in no degree able to bear. 

When the east part of the province of Georgia was taken 
possession of under the trustees' charter by Mr. Oglethorpe, 
according to the limits of the British dominions in America, 
forts were erected upon the extremities to keep up marks of 
possession. The strength and materials were of such a na- 
ture, as the men he had with him could make, and sufficient 
for defence against any strength that could be brought 
against them by the neighboring Indians, or Spaniards in 
Florida. 

The first foundation of the colony was upon tenures, by 
which each lot was to be occupied by a freeholder, obliged 
to take arms for the defence of the colony ; and this militia, 
with the assistance of our friendly Indians, held the colony 
against all attempts of the Spaniards from Augustine, who 
alarmed them almost every spring, pretending a claim, and, 
therefore, a right to invade, without being said to infringe 
the peace, but did not take one foot of ground from us. 

In the beginning of the year 1738, great preparations were 
made at the Havanna, and troops were sent from thence and 
old Spain to Augustine, for the taking possession (as they 
called it) of that part of Carolina in which Georgia was com- 
prehended, and which they gave out belonged to them. 
Upon the trustees having early notice of these great prepara- 
tions, they applied to his Majesty to take upon him the pro- 
tection of the colony, which in its infancy was unable to repel 
so great a force. His Majesty thereupon ordered a reg- 
iment to be raised, and posted on the Spanish frontiers, since 
which the war is broke out, and that regiment, with the as- 



A State of the Province of Georgia, 81 

sistance of troops and Indians raised in Georgia and Caroli- 
na, in conjunction with a squadron of men of war, attacked 
Augustine, and after raising the siege of that place, remained 
in the possession of the frontiers, as before the war ; but for 
the defence of the colony now, it is necessary to have ves- 
sels that can act in shoal water, on so large and extended a 
frontier towards the sea, and rangers who can ride the 
woods ; as also artillery, and all other things necessarily 
appertaining thereto, and means for augmenting our fortifica- 
tions equal to the increased strength of the Spaniards. 



Savannah, Nov. 10, 1740. 

We whose names are hereunto subscribed, being duly 
sworn in open Court, do declare, that the above state of the 
province of Georgia is true, according to the best of our own 
knowledge, and from the most certain informations we could 
obtain from others ; and do desire, that the seal of this Court 
may be affixed thereto. 

* Pat. Graham, George Johnson 

* Jos. Fitzwalter, Samuel Parker, 

* James Carwells, Thomas Pahner, 

* Thomas Upton, William Stephens, 

* Giles Been, Henry Parker, 

* Thomas Egerton, Thomas Jones, 

* Thomas Cundell, Samuel Mercer, 
Anthony Camuse, James Campbell, 
John Burton, John Rae, 

Jos. Pavey, Noble Jones, 

Robert Hainks, Thomas Young, 

John Mellidge, Thomas Ellis. 
Tho. Bayley, (Smith) 

N. B. Those seven marked with *, at their own volun- 
tary desire, were admitted to sign it, and were sworn before 
the magistrates out of Court. 

VOL. IT. 11 



82 A State of the Province of Georgia. 



The Deposition of Lieutenant George Dunbar, taken upon 
the Holy Evangelists, before the Recorder of the Town of 
Frederica, Jan. 20, 1738-9. 

This deponent says, that he arrived in Georgia the begin- 
ning of June last, with the first detachment of General Ogle- 
thorpe's regiment ; and from that time to the beginning of 
August, all the carpenters of the said three companies, and a 
certain number of other soldiers were employed in building 
clapboard huts for the said companies, and the other soldiers 
were employed in unloading vessels and boats loaded with 
clapboards, and other necessaries for building, and provisions 
of different kinds, often up to their necks in water : they 
were also employed in carrying clapboards, &c., upon their 
backs to the camp, in clearing ground from roots of trees, 
&,c., for a parade, burning the wood and rubbish upon it, 
carrying of bricks, and burning lime ; and the artists who 
were excused from these works, wrought at their own trades, 
without standing still, by reason of heat. The hours of 
labor were from daylight till between eleven and twelve ; and 
from between one and two, and sometimes between two and 
three, till dark. All that time the men kept so healthy, that 
often no man in the camp ailed in the least, and none died 
except one man, who came sick on board, and never worked 
at all ; nor did I hear, that any of the men ever made the 
heat a pretence for not working. 

And this deponent further says, that he has been often in 
America, and frequently heard, that in the negro colonies, 
the hire of white men is more than that of negroes. And 
this deponent knows, that in South Carolina white ship car- 
penters and caulkers have about one third more wages than 
a negro of the same trade or profession, this deponent having 
often paid wages to both ; and also knows there is the afore- 
said diflference in many handicrafts, and verily believes it is 
so in all ; and affirms, that the same is owing to the white 
men exceeding the negroes in the same professions, both in 
quantity and quality of their work. 

George Dunbar. 

Sworn before me the day and year above written, 

Francis Moore. 



A State of the Province of Georgia. 83 



Extract of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Jones, at Savannah, in 
Georgia, to the Trustees^ Accomptant, dated July 1, 1741. 

The trustees' German servants in general behave well, 
and are industrious : of these, eight or ten families are more 
remarkably so, and have this last year purchased a good 
stock of cattle, some having six cows, the least two ; and 
each having a garden, where they raise some corn, peas, 
pumpkins, potatoes, &c., which with the milk of their cows 
is the chief part of their food : they are at little expense in 
clothing ; but this exposes them to the envy and hatred of 
our negro-mongers, and such who seek the extirpation of 
the colony, as well as of the drunken, idle sort amongst us. 

I am informed by Francis Harris, and William Russell, 
(who are very coversant with them, and can talk the Ger- 
man tongue,) that they have lately joined, in a letter writ 
and sent to their friends and acquaintance in Germany, per- 
suading them to come to Georgia, where they may, by their 
industry, live in greater plenty, and more comfortably than 
they can elsewhere. 

These servants are very desirous, that (when the time of 
their service is expired) they may have lands allotted them 
within twelve or fifteen miles of Savannah, where they may 
bring things by land-carriage in a vicinage, and that they may 
make one common fence (as the people of Ebenezer have 
done) and be assisting to one another. 



The Copy of a Letter from the Reverend Mr. Frederick 
Michael Ziegenhagen, German Chaplain to his Majesty, 
dated at Kensington, January 11, 1741-2, and sent to the 
Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in Ame- 
rica. * 

Gentlemen, — Having seen paragraphs in print repre- 
senting the Saltzburgers as being uneasy with their settle- 
ment at Ebenezer in Georgia, and desirous to remove there- 
from ; and fearing such reports (if credited) might give just 
offence to your honors their guardians, as well as to their 
benefactors in Germany, and thereby deprive them from 
having yours and their favors continued. 



84 A State of the Province of Georgia. 

I thought it my indispensable duty to acquaint your honors, 
that by all the letters and journals I have received since their 
settlement at New Ebenezer, they have expressed quite 
different sentiments; and not to trouble you with many par- 
ticulars, I beg leave herewith to enclose you two extracts of 
the latest accounts I received from them in November last. 



Extract of a Letter from the Reverend Mr. Boltzius at Eben- 
ezer, dated the 23d of Jidy, 1741, to the Reverend Dr. 
Francke, Rrofessor of Divinity at Hall. 

"Together with these spiritual blessings, and the salutary 
effect of the Word of God to the conversion of many souls, 
we enjoy also this year, by the mercy of God, many tem- 
poral good things. 

" The present war, and the burden of it, has not affected 
us yet, and we do not feel the least of it ; and in the great 
dearness the colony suffered last year, we have not been in 
want of necessary provisions. As to the present year, we 
have a very hopeful prospect of a good harvest, every thing 
in the fields and gardens growing so delightful, as our eyes 
hardly have seen in this country before. * if Isaac, by the 
blessing of the Lord, received from what he had sowed, an 
hundred fold, I believe I dare say, to the praise of the great 
mercy of God over us, our Saltzburgers will get thousand 
fold, notwithstanding that the corn, when it came out of the 
ground, was eaten quite up two or three times by the worms, 
of which nobody can hardly form a right idea, except he 
sees it with his own eyes. Wheat, rice, and other grain, 
must be sowed very thin, because each grain brings forth 
fifty, an hundred, or more stalks and ears. The land is really 
very fruitful, if the sins of the inhabitants, and the curse of 
God for such sins, does not eat it upv which was formerly the 
unhappy case of the blessed land of Canaan. 

"And I am heartily sorry to acquaint you, that I do not 
find in some of the inhabitants of the colony, a due thank- 
fulness for, and contentment with the many benefits bestowed 
on them for several years together ; although those who are 
industrious, and will labor for their maintenance, may, as we 

* Geii. xxvi. 12. 



A State of the Province of Georgia. 85 

do, live contentedly, and subsist under the blessing of God, 
promised by St. Paul, Heb. xiii. 5 : I will never leave thee, 
nor forsake thee. Which blessing the idle and unthankful 
are not entitled to." 



Extract out of the Journal of Mr. Boltzius, Minister of the 
Gospel in Georgia. 

"The 10th of August, 1741. We have this year plenty 
of peaches, and as this fruit does not keep, some of our 
people try to make a certain sort of brandy of them ; others 
give them to the swine. This is more than any body could 
have promised to himself, or others, some years ago. Even 
at this time, when I am writing this, a man brings a large 
dish of blue grapes to me, grown wild in the woods ; they 
are of a sweet taste, and pretty like our European grapes ; 
that I am very apt to believe, the wild vine trees, if properly 
managed, would give good wine. Thanks to our gracious 
God, who gives us here every good thing for our support. 

"The 9th of September, 1741. Some time ago 1 wrote to 
an honored friend in Europe, that the land in this country, if 
well managed and labored, brings forth, by the blessings of 
God, not only hundred fold, but thousand fold ; and 1 this 
day was confirmed therein. A woman having two years ago 
picked out of Indian corn, bought at Purysburg, no more 
than three grains of rye (called here German corn) and 
planting them here, at Ebenezer, one of these grains pro- 
duced an hundred and seventy stalks and ears, and the three 
grains yielded to her a bag of corn as large as a coat pocket, 
the grains whereof were good and full grown ; and she de- 
sired me to send part of them to a kind benefactor in Europe. 
One of our Saltzburgers brought to me, also, a like bag of 
beans, all grown out of one bean. 

" True it is, notwithstanding the fertility of the land, the 
first tillagers of it must undergo and struggle with great 
difficulties ; but them that come after them will reap the bene- 
fit thereof, if they go on to do their labor in the fear of God. 

" The land is able to provide every good thing, and more 
particularly is pasturage very plenteous." 



BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSES 



THAT HAVE RETARDED 



THE PROGRESS 



OF THE 



COLONY OF GEORGIA IN AMERICA; 



ATTESTED UPON OATH. 



BEING 



A PROPER CONTRAST 



A STATE OF THE PROVINCE OF GEORGIA. 



ATTESTED UPON OATH. 



AND SOME OTHER MISREPRESEISTATIONS ON THE SAME SUBJECT. 



LONDON: 

PRINTED IN THE YEAR MDCCXLIIl. 



NOTE. 

The transmission of the former paper, " A State of the Province of 
Georgia," &c., gave activity to those opposed to its statements, and re- 
sulted in the drawing up of the present account, designed to be sent also 
to the trustees, and others, as a counter representation. We turn to 
Stephens for an elucidation of its origin. By the 12th November, 1740, 
says he, in his journal, " The whole talk of the town now was, about what 
was done at the Court on Monday, and the opposition which some were 
using their utmost efforts to give it. I now learned it was agreed on by 
their new directors to prepare a counter representation, wherein the state 
of the colony should be set forth in a different light, and it would be put 
into proper hands to confront what we had been forming, or forging, 
probably, as they might term it ; for it was most scandalously and indus- 
triously given out by them, that all we who had already signed it were 
perjured, and had set our hands to a pack of lies. All this I resolved 
with myself to bear as patiently as I could, and by no means whatsoever, 
to enter into any controversy, or disputation, with such a petty crew, 
whom I might expect no stronger arguments from, than foul language ; 
wherefore I kept myself as free as I could from company, not appearing 
in the least solicitous who signed one or the other ; but took what care 
was proper, to get true information of what passed, that I might make due 
use of it at a right season ; and I saw plainly three classes would arise, 
viz. : pro, and con, and neuter ; but well knowing how long time had been 
taken up already in coming at those truths now attested, (whereof many 
had lain undiscovered, and were the occasion of so much anger at present 
for being made appear,) I must not procrastinate too far the sending what 
was done to the trustees, to take its fate, whether with few hands or more, 
not doubting but what is set forth upon the oaths of such a number of 
volunteers, will have at least as much weight in another place, before 
competent judges, as anything that may be boldly asserted to the con- 
trary, by very few men of character, with a set of people at their tails, 
either misled through weakness, or some worse motive, which may better 
be taken notice of at some other time. Two or three who were either 
out of town, or happened unavoidably to miss attending the Court on 
Monday, came to my house this day, and upon reading what had been 
done, very readily desired to put their hands to it ; which they did, and 
were sworn before Mr. Jones." This document appears to have been 
written, after several abortive efforts, by Thomas Stephens, and Sir 
Richard Everhard. Thomas Stephens was the son of William Stephens, 
Esq., late M. P., Secretary of the Colony, «Scc., and Sir Richard Ever- 
hard was the son of Sir Richard Everhard, a former Governor of North Car- 
olina. He had travelled extensively through the Indian nations, and 
reached Savannah in the spring of 1741. He early entered into the local 
controversies then raging in the town, and hastily attaching himself to 
the malecontcnts, lent himself to the advancement of their sinister designs. 
This pamphlet was answered by Lord Percival, first Earl of Egmont, in 
some remarks upon a scandalous piece entitled " A Brief Account of the 
Causes that have Retarded the Progress of the Colony of Georgia," &c. 



A BRIEF ACCOUNT. 



The severe grievances and distresses of the inhabitants of 
Georgia had been so frequently and fruitlessly represented 
to the honorable body constituted, as they conceived, for the 
very purposes of preventing and redressing them, that their 
application to a higher power seemed the only* remaining 
hope and dependence of the unhappy people. After the 
proofs produced at the bar of the honorable house of com- 
mons, it can be thought no extravagant assertion that their 
grievances and oppressions were thought to be such, as were 
before unexampled under any British government. And, if 
the inexperience of their agent in the conduct of that affair 
(where the quality, interest and number of his opponents 
might have discouraged a person much better qualified) 
terminated, for that time, in some censure upon himself, with- 
out the complete relief of his unfortunate constituents; yet 
his duty and their distresses stimulate him sufficiently, to 
revive his application in their behalf, as he is satisfied that 
the justice and compassion of a British parliament will be 
extended to their present grievances after further information 
and attendon, and prevent, for the future, such oppressions 
as they have so long and unjustly languished under. 

It may well be thought amazing, at the first view, that a 
colony, which has been erected at such a considerable pub- 
lic expense to Great Britain, and further encouraged by such 
numbers of private donations, should be in a more indigent 
condition than any of those which were setded at the ex- 
pense and risk of private adventurers, to the final satisfac- 
tion and happiness of multitudes, and the reciprocal benefit 

* Appendix, No. XXXIV. 
VOL. II. 12 



90 A Brief Account, ^c. 

of their mother realms. And as it is impossible that any 
settlement could ever be enterprised with greater professions 
of humanity, compassion and disinterestedness, than were the 
avowed views of sending a colony to Georgia, it may seem 
as strange that the complaints they have proved were op- 
pi'essions of the most essential kind ; and such as are really 
incompatible with the nature or very existence of any British 
government. But their experience has discovered the difier- 
ence of professions and performances to be as wide as that 
of truth and error ; and indeed were it possible to suppose 
affluence, where property is unascertained and insecure, 
mere abundance would never be deemed an equivalent for 
the want of those rights and liberties which Briush subjects 
consider as an unalienable inheritance and patrimony. 

The wisdom and justice of the regulations they have 
smarted under, are truly too profound for their comprehension. 
If the liberties of former colonies had really prevented, or 
even retarded their own increase and prosperity, or their 
benefit and advantage to Great Britain, some political rea- 
sons, at least, might have been alleged for them; but when 
the very contrary is self-evident, whatever may have been 
the designs of the many discouragements they have felt, their 
ill circumstances are too evidently owing, in a great degree, 
to the want of that Hberty which has enriched and estab- 
hshed the neighboring colonies, and extended the British 
trade and empire in proportion. 

To complain has been always deemed the wretched privi- 
lege of the miserable : yet even this has been, as much as 
possible, obstructed ; insomuch, that the Georgians are in- 
debted to the justice and liberty of their neighboring province 
for a seal to many of the annexed depositions, which they 
could never obtain in Georgia. And indeed any magistrate, 
who has an inclination to continue one, must be deaf to any 
public complaint of the discontented ; which, it may be truly 
affirmed, all the inhabitants, who are independent and out of 
office, with great reason are, while they must be ever indus- 
trious to give a sanction to all such misrepresentations of the 
state of things, as are contrary to fact, and insults on reason 
itself. And under what influence such misrepresentations 
have been procured, will best be evinced from some of the 
following depositions. 

Bitterness is too naturally the language of the injured ; 



A Brief Account, 8^c. 91 

but as their past sufferings are irrevocable, they are more 
anxious to prevent their continuance than to perpetuate the 
disagreeable remembrance of them, by an unavailing resent- 
ment ; and it is with such a view the following papers are 
tendered to the worthy and unprejudiced. If a fair account 
of their hardships should inevitably infer any thing disad- 
vantageous to the characters of any other, it has been their 
misfortune, that it is in their power to do it with justice, and 
not in their power to omit it without being unjust to them- 
selves. They decline all aggravation, both as difficult and 
unnecessary ; they leave the advantages of art and eloquence 
to persons and things, which are better qualified to divert 
than to bear inspection ; and rest the validity of their com- 
plaints upon the plain, but faithful depositions of men, who 
have been made to feel what they may be unable to express 
with the strictest method and propriety. 

But before I proceed to these proofs, I shall take the 
liberty to make a brief and plain inquiry into the principal 
causes, that have either retarded, or totally prevented the 
increase and establishment of Georgia, which indeed amounts 
to a consideration, how far his Majesty's most gracious in- 
tentions, in the settlement of Georgia, have been accom- 
plished and fulfilled by those persons appointed for that pur- 
pose. 

We find from the preamble to his Majesty's charter to the 
trustees, that the professed designs of establishing the colony 
of Georgia were for making provision for the industrious 
poor, for strengthening South Carolina, and increasing trade 
and navigation. 

To which end, his Majesty was pleased to grant in trust 
(not as proprietors) to several of the nobility and gentlemen, 
all the soils, grounds, &c., within the limits of Georgia, to- 
gether with all the privileges and preeminei:(^es, which his 
Majesty by his letters patent might or could grant. 

From which, it seems very natural to apprehend, that 
nothing short of the rights and liberties of other British sub- 
jects or colonies, were intended to be allowed such settlers, 
who certainly took the same for granted, before their leaving 
Great Britain, to go to Georgia. But in consequence of 
such his Majesty's gracious intentions, and from the situa- 
tion of that frontier they were to defend, rather expected 
such further immunities and encouragements, as his Majesty, 



92 A Brief Account, ^-c. 

in his royal bounty and goodness, could and might grant a 
colony, honored with his name, within the limits of a British 
constitution and government, the only one they expected to 
be regulated by, and subject to. It seems to them, that 
the trustees, thus empowered and enjoined to confer all the 
king's rights, expressed in the charter, could convey no 
other rights, nor no less ; and that every grant or tenure of 
theirs, short of such, was contrary to the charter, and an 
illegal and unconstitutional reserve. And that every other 
act of theirs, and their magistrates there, contrary to the 
laws and usages of Great Britain, and to the known rights 
and liberties of English subjects, w^ere oppressive and arbi- 
trary, and directly destructive of the express intentions of the 
charter, and the settlement of the province, which has been 
but too evidently demonstrated by the present condition 
of it. 

The only restraint the charter expresses, is with regard to 
the quantity of land to be granted to any settler, which is 
limited to five hundred acres. The wisdom and equity of 
this limitation is undoubtedly very clear in the main, as it is 
preventive of those unreasonable, and even impolitic mono- 
polies of land, which have greatly retarded the strength and 
improvement of other places ; and yet perhaps in some par- 
ticular cases, where a settler might be both able and willing 
to cultivate and improve more, some further allowance, in 
proportion to such circumstances, might neither be unrea- 
sonable nor impohtic. But notwithstanding this hmitation of 
the quantity, was the only limitation warranted by the char- 
ter; one of the first things done was, reserving the very best 
lands, under a pretence that they w'ere kept for the vagrant 
Indians,* who were brought over here, and imposed on the 
public for kings ; and so circumscribing and restraining the 
rights and titl^ of such others, as were not thought too good 
or valuable for the people, as to extinguish every incitement 
to industry and improvement : by w'hich means, almost all 
the best lands continue unappropriated, to any settler at least, 
and uncultivated to this day. If- this method of establishing 
colonies has nothing else to recommend it, we must allow it 
to be new at least, and acknowledge the inhabitants would 
have been as unreasonable to expect any advantages from it, 

• See the Report of the Committee of South Carolina, appointed to examine into 
the Piocuedings of Georgia. 



A Brief Account, ^c. 93 

as to hope for miracles. But as if the difficulties arising from 
indifferent lands, and discouraging tenures, were not suffi- 
cient to humble and prepare them for the other severities 
they have met with, they were totally prohibited the impor- 
tation, use, or even sight* of negroes. In spite of all endea- 
vors to disguise this point, it is as clear as light itself, that 
negroes are as essentially necessary to the cultivation of 
Georgia, as axes, hoes, or any other utensil of agriculture. 
So that if a colony was designed able but to subsist itself, 
their prohibition was inconsistent ; if a garrison only was in- 
tended, the very inhabitants were needless: but all circum- 
stances considered, it looked as if the assistance of human 
creatures, who have been called slaves, as well as subject to 
the treatment of such, were incongruous with a system that 
proceeded to confer the thing, but to spare the odium of the 
appellation. Experience would too soon have taught them 
the parity of their conditions, in spite of a mere nominal dif- 
ference. The only English clergymen, who were ever coun- 
tenanced there, declared they never desired to see Georgia 
a rich, but a godly colony ; and the blind subjection the poor 
Saltzburgers are under to the Rev. Mr. Boltzius, who has 
furnished such extraordinary extracts in some accounts of 
Georgia, published here, will be too evident from some of 
the annexed depositions to call for any descant. 

The pretended content and satisfaction of the people of 
Ebenezer, without negroes, will plainlyf appear to be the 
dictates of spiritual tyranny, and only the wretched acqui- 
escence of people, who were in truth unacquainted with the 
privilege of choosing for themselves. 

It is acknowledged indeed that the present war, and late 
invasion, may furnish the enemies of the colony with the 
most plausible objections that could occur, against the allow- 
ance of black slaves ; but these reasons have not always ex- 
isted, nor have the trustees ever declared any resolution to 
admit them, at any other juncture. But if it plainly appears 
that Georgia, as a colony, cannot barely exist without them, 
surely an admission of them under limitations, suitable to 
the present situation of affairs, is absolutely necessary to its 
support; since want and famine must be more dreadful and 
insuperable invaders, than any hving enemy : besides, the 

^ Appendix, No. XXIX. t Appendix, No. VIII. and IX. . 




94 A Brief Account, ^c. 

honorable trustees were informed by a letter from Mr. Stir- 
ling and others, of the falsehood, of the contented and com- 
fortable situation the people of Darien were affirmed to be 
in ; and that they were* bought with a number of cattle, and 
extensive promises of future rewards, when they signed their 
petition against negroes. 

It is established also by their charter, that the trustees 
shall and may form and prepare laws, statutes and ordi- 
nances, fit and necessary for and concerning the govern- 
ment of the said colony, and not repugnant to the laws and 
statutes of England, 

But notwithstanding this, and although the trustees were 
applied to by the peoplef for a body of laws for the govern- 
ment of the colony, as the want of them rendered it exceed- 
ing difficult, for either grand or petit juries to discharge in a 
proper manner, the great duties incumbent on them by their 
oaths ; yet they never received, or heard of any other laws 
except the Salique law, one for the prohibition of negroes, 
and a third, prohibiting the use and importation of spirituous 
liquors ; any one of which was sufficient to prevent, or defeat 
the settlement of a colony in their situation : neither would 
the most judicious application of the money, advanced for its 
establishment, have compensated for such fundamental errors 
in the constitution. It seems a little odd, that three laws 
should be formed, that had a visible tendency to distress 
the colony, and not one fairly calculated for its increase and 
encouragement ; none that might make it seem related to 
a British government. The intention of this omission I shall 
not presume to explain, but it is certain that enacting and ex- 
ecuting of laws, not repugnant to the laws of England, 
must have prevented a great deal of such government, as 
the poor people have complained of; much indefinite and 
unwarrantable imprisonment, fining, punishing and forfeit- 
ing. 

The trustees are further empowered by their charter, to 
erect and constitute judicatures and courts of record, or 
other courts, for the hearing and determining of all manner 
of crimes, offences, pleas, processes, &c. As well as to ap- 
point governors, judges, magistrates, &c., for the government 
of the colony. 

* Appendix, No. V. VI. and VII. I In a Representation from the Grand Jury. 



A Brief Account, ^c. 95 

We may very naturally infer, that this power of consti- 
tutino; courts of justice, implies a due and regular application 
of that power, to be the duty of the trustees ; and yet there 
is not so much as a magistrate in two of the towns, (there 
being but five in the province,) viz. : Darien and Ebenezer,* 
though one of them is thirty, and the other above fifty miles 
off" any settlement, that has a magistrate. The populous 
town of Augusta, which is said to furnish out two thousand 
horses in the spring, and which, by the trustees' published 
account, was resorted to by six hundred white men,t em- 
ployed on the IndianJ trade, had none, till lately one Kent 
was said to have a commission given him by the trustees, 
when it was expected they would have punished him, for 
having dared to act as a justice of peace, and imprison^ and 
punish the people, without any but a verbal commission from 
Mr. Oglethorpe, under whom he has a military command of 
men. If they really believed this town to be so populous, 
why was it without even one civil magistrate ? But for the 
real state and poverty of this place, we refer to the aflSdavits 
of Mr. O'Brien and John Gardner. 

Savannah and Frederica (the two principal towns,) must 
be allowed to have had extraordinary magistrates indeed, 
some of whom may not have wilfully injured the people ; 
though others have declared from the bench, that the laws of 
England were no laws in Georgia ; || made false imprison- 
ments,11 discharged grand juries, whilst matters of felony 
lay** before them,tt intimidated petit-juries ; in short, stuck 
at nothing to oppress the people ; neither has there been 
any governor appointed, or any records rightly kept for the 
people to appeal home from ; which, whether it is so de- 
signed or not, prevents them from applying so regularly to 
his Majesty, for the benefit and redress of his distressed sub- 
jects. 

The charter also enjoins the training, instructing and ex- 
ercising the militia for the safety of the colony, the use of 
martial law in time of actual war and invasion, and the erec- 
tion of forts for the defence of the colony ; notwithstanding 



* Appendix, No. VI. and VHI. 

t See a state of the colony attested upon oafh. 

t Appendix, No. X. and XI. 11 Appendix, No. XXVI. 

§ See petition of the Grand Jury, 1721. ** See petition of the Grand Jury, 1741. 

II Appendix, No. XVIII. it Appendix, No. XVIIl. 




96 A Brief Account, ^c. 

which, it is said there has been no muster there these four 
or five years, and that there is not a defensible* fort in the 
province. The want of martial law they cannot, indeed, 
justly complain of, since they have had nothing else but that, 
or worse, in time of peace, which possibly may have been 
one reason for no musters,! since it might be judged bad 
politics to train a people up to the knowledge and use of 
arms, who were to be ruled by nothing else. Besides, in- 
deed, frequent musters would have exposed the real scarcity 
of people in a place that has been so diligently misrepre- 
sented, as populous, and what not. 

It is said that the trustees have altered the tenures of the 
lands ; but are they yet so good as in any of the rest of his 
Majesty's provinces, where lands are granted in free and 
common socage? Have any ill effects attended such full 
tenures ? And have any good ones followed the want of 
them? A sufficient term has been allowed for the experi- 
ment, and can the ill success of it be an argument for its 
continuance in any degree, or shape, or upon any pretence 
or color? And of the ill tendency of this destructive 
tenure, the trustees had a very early warning from a gentle- 
man of undoubted integrity, and a member of their own 
body, which we shall take the liberty to recite in his own 
words. 



Risht Honorable the Lords and other Honorable Trustees 



'■;? 



for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America. 



I conceive I am summoned hither at this time, with the 
other trustees, to hear and debate on one or two dangerous 
mistakes, which have happened in the beginning of settling 
the infant colony of Georgia ; the good and prosperity 
whereof no man can have more at heart than I have had. 
But, as I have often with sorrow found at this board, my 
want of eloquence hath caused the motions of my sincere 
good intentions for the colony to pass unregarded, I hope 
you will therefore excuse the liberty I now take, of delivering 
in writing what I pray to say on those two pernicious mis- 
takes. 

- Appendix, No. II. t Appendix, No. XXXII. 



A Brief Account, ^c. 97 

The first of those two evils is, concerning the portions of 
the land granted, to each man, heads of the families sent 
thither on the charity or otherwise ; which land is of no value 
now, nor ever can be, until cultivated and improved by their 
great labor and expense. Yet that estate is limited to an 
intail male, whereby, upon any failure of male issue, all the 
females and their posterity are entirely cut off from all fruits 
and advantages of their parents' labor and industry for one 
or more ages ; which is the children's natural right, and 
ought in justice to be secured to them. Moreover the sub- 
jecting the same estate to so many terrifying forfeitures, 
renders it the more precarious. There never was an in- 
stance of any lands ever granted in the British plantations, 
under such limitations and forfeitures, before this, which will 
be attended with many evil consequences. 

It will not only defeat the charitable intentions of those 
mary good and generous benefactors who have contributed 
very liberally, and those who shall do so, for the comfortable 
settlement, provision and support of many poor distressed 
families and their children ; but also deprive the females of 
their just right given them by God and nature. This extra- 
ordinary tenure will be a great means of depeopling the 
colony as fast as you can people it ; for those poor people, 
who now gladly embrace any terms or conditions to be re- 
moved from their present distresses here, will, as soon as the 
trustees have done feeding them in Georgia, remove them- 
selves into other plantations, where they may have lands 
given them gratis, under the best tenure the crown could 
ever grant, without paying any quit rent, or other considera- 
tion for it. 

Much more might be said to show the mischievous effects 
which that unreasonable tenure, by which the lands are now 
granted to those who are settled in Georgia, will unavoida- 
bly have on that colony. But I beg leave to say something 
of the Jews, who, to the number of between forty and fifty, 
have procured themselves to be already settled there con- 
trary to the will, and without the consent of the trustees, and 
there are more of their nation now going over to them. 

I humbly conceive these shocking matters require your 
most serious attention ; for unless you speedily take some 
vigorous resolutions to suppress effectually the two great 
evils aforesaid, Georgia will soon become a Jewish colony, 

VOL. II. 13 



?jj 



98 A Brief Account f ^c. 

for that all the Christians there will, for the reasons aforesaid, 
fall off and desert it, as leaves from a tree in autumn, until 
there will not be a valuable Christian remaining except some 
few carpenters, sawyers, smiths, &c. whom the Jews will 
find most necessary and useful, and encourage them to re- 
main to be employed in their buildings and otherwise, and 
that all Christian benefactions for that colony will soon cease. 
Therefore, for these considerations, I beg leave to recom- 
mend the speedy entering into proper measures for prevent- 
ing, as well the ruin of the colony of Georgia as the re- 
proach and scandal of the trustees. 

I am, with the greatest res])ect, right honorable and hon- 
orable, your most obedient servant, 

Thomas Coram. 

Georgia Office, 27th March, 1734. 

But it is farther to be observed, that many of the original 
grants consist of one contraction, a figure, three w^ords, and 
the two initial letters of the General's name. And the man- 
ner of declaring lands forfeited, as well as taking from one, 
and giving to another, is really incredible.* 

It was the sense of the Commons of Great Britain, that 
the Georgians ought to be allowed the use and importation 
of rum, from which it seems a very natural inference, that 
they meant the importation of it on the same terms, and 
with no other restiictions or limitations than it was imported 
into the other British colonies. What regard has been paid 
to this opinion of that great body, such true friends to the 
settlement, must best appear from the act of the trustees, in 
conformity to that report, which is said to be loaded with 
such restraints, difficulties and limitations, of which their 
magistrates are to be judges, as to be little better in effect 
than a prohibition, and has not been hitherto, as we are 
informed, approved of by the Right Honorable the Lords of 
Trade. 

The trustees allege, in extenuation of many past abuses, 
that they have altered the form of government, having ap- 
pointed a president and assistants. Whereas the charter re- 
quires the appointment of a governor to be approved by his 
majesty, who is to give security for a due observation of the 

" Appendix, No. XIX. and II. 



A Brief Account, ^c. 99 

several acts relating to trade and navigation, which has never 
been complied with in any pai'ticiilar. And, as if this eva- 
sion were not sufficiently inexcusable, to complete the farce, 
the magistrates, so very liable to be justly appealed from, are 
the very assistants, who must be appealed to ; which, with- 
out the least reflection, sufficiently explains this notable 
amendment both of the intention and mode of governing. 

The administrators of such a polity should, in propriety, 
be invested with some suitable resemblance of character and 
equity. Mr. Thomas Jones,* who had not been a little 
active in procuringf several informations against such male- 
contents as they were called, (who must have been stupid to 
have been otherwise) was one of the venerable bench ; and 
Mr. Henry Parker another, who had signed a complaint, was 
not restored, till he had contradicted the truths he subscribed 
in it. Mr. Fallowfield was formerly a magistrate, but for 
daring to feel, and to complain of it, and to allow others to 
do the same, he was immediately deemed unquahfied for 
any part of the administration, and cast out as a malecontent, 
as will appear from Mr. Verelst's very solemn notification of 
it to him in the Appendix.^ 

It is said the trustees keep no store now, but it is an- 
swered, that their officers do in their names, that only the 
name of their store is changed into their magazine, by virtue 
of the key of which, T. Causton has formerly commanded § 
the whole colony, as it is feared Thomas Jones does still, 
though it is reported the trustees lately removed him from 
some of his employments, to appease the people with regard 
to a felony, which produced an indictment against him ; but 
from which his brother magistrates screened || him till he 
went to Frederica (where the General is), for protection. 

As the complainants of Georgia have been industriously 
represented as a few clamorous, unreasonable people, spirited 
up by one man, who styles himself tbeir agent, their number 
will best appear from the annexed list, which cannot be 
equalled H by any catalogue of persons, the trustees could 
reckon contented, though all their magistrates and depend- 
ants were to be included in it. As to his being able, or even 



* Late high constable of, and well known in Holborn. ■ 

t See the secretary's journals printed by the trustees. 

i Appendix, No. XXXVI. || Appendix, No XXIV. and XXV. 

§ Appendix, No. XXIII. II Appendix, No. XXXV. 



100 A Brief Account, ^c. 

desirous to foment a clamor he has no particular interest in, 
the absurdity is self-manifest, and sufficiently exposed, by 
former complaints of the people,* when he was little known 
among them, and when he was in England before.f His 
joining the people, in opposition to his father's conduct, has 
been thought a strong objection to his own, with many. To 
this he takes leave to say, that while he is conscious of all 
dutiful affection and regard for a parent, he can see no cause 
for his being insensible to the suggestions of truth and rea- 
son, and of the hardships of his fellow sufferers. If his 
father's great age, and several misfortunes, dispose him to be 
contented with a poor provision for one, his son cannot dis- 
cover, that filial duty obliges him to think in the same man- 
ner ; but w^ere his father's concurrence necessary on such a 
score, he might even appeal to his own journals published 
by the trustees, and to several extracts of letters to himself. 
Much might be added, very pertinently, to furnish a more 
strict and particular account of the real grievances of the 
people of Georgia, and the insuperable impediments to its 
ever deserving the name of a colony on the present founda- 
tion. In truth, it has the force of a thousand arguments to 
reflect, that for four years past no person has attempted to 
settle in Georgia at his own expense, which never is the case 
of any new colony, where people are satisfied with the plan 
and scheme of the conductors of it ; and it is utterly oppo- 
site to common sense, to conceive, that a people of depressed 
circumstances, with very few of name or interest, can find 
any pleasure or account, in complaining for the mere sake of 
complaint, in opposition to persons of condition, opulence 
and reputation. If they really enjoyed the common liberties 
of their fellow subjects, and murmured under those circum- 
stances of government their fellow colonies are happy from, 
such an unreasonable discontent might very justly be dis- 
countenanced. Let this one fair experiment be made, and 
the people of Georgia little doubt, without being burden- 
some to their mother country, to subsist themselves, and by 
degrees to become useful subjects to his majesty : whereas, 
far from being benefited by any public contribution, on the 

* A letter, in the year 1735, signed by the principal inhabitants of the colony ; a 
representation, 1737 ; another representation, 1738, signed by one hundred and 
seventeen. 

t A petition, 1740, from the servants out of their time ; a remonstrance, 1740, from 
the people ; a petition to his majesty, 1740 } an address to his majesty, 1741. 



A Brief Account, ^-c. 101 

present footing, thej can consider it as nothing, but strength- 
ening a sort of government, that is an insupportable plag.ue * 
and discouragement, instead of a support and protection. 
And, it is but too evident, that all projects to devise a better 
constitution of government than the British, for British sub- 
jects, has proved sad quack politics in the event, destroying 
or torturing the patients, and disgracing the prescriber. The 
people are convinced, with pleasure, that many gentlemen of 
the Trust are far from intending the oppression of their fellow 
creatures, or fellow subjects, and that some of them have 
publicly expressed their aversion to all such measures, as 
were injurious to the colony, and contrary to the charter. 
But persons who have never been out of England, cannot be 
perfect judges of the encouragements necessary to the estab- 
lishment of a new colony in that climate, nor easily discover 
the truth at so great a distance, or they would no more con- 
tinue in a known error, than suffer such illegal excesses of 
power to be exercised over the people, to whom they are 
guardians, nor ever permit so injurious a trade to be carried 
on with the public money, without giving the public credit 
in their accounts, for what has been so extorted,! contrary 
to their intention, from the poor people, for whose benefit the 
money so employed was given. But how can the trustees 
account to the public, unless their agents (whose accounts 
were never made up) account to them ? The only trustee 
who is there, must be able, indeed, to form a pretty general 
judgment of affairs ; but the people cannot forbear consider- 
ing him as the greatest enemy to the colony, who was called 
the father of it, before the regiment was obtained, which 
became necessary the sooner, from our imprudence in pro- 
voking and alarming the Spaniards in time of peace, by 
erecting a fort, garrisoned with upwards of twenty men, 
directly opposite to, and in sight of the Spanish look-out on 
St. Juans, which is said to be without the limits assigned by 
the charter. And since which appointment, there is scarcely 
any species of oppression, short of life and limb, which may 
not be unanswerably proved to have been arbitrarily exerted 
by this gentleman, who has publicly appeared an invader of 
the natural J rights of mankind, and the particular privileges 

• Appendix, No. XV. XVI. XXVIII. and XXIX. 
t Appendix, No. III. XVII. XX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. 
t Appendix, No. I. II. IV. XXX. XXXI. 



102 A Brief Account, ^c. 

of his fellow subjects ; and if ever a colony is to be effected 
under his auspices, it must never consist of Britons. The 
lands must be interdicted to his majesty's subjects, and in- 
stead of preventing the importation of slaves, they must 
import none but such. If these affirmations be thought se- 
vere, let the actual and lawless severities he has treated mul- 
titudes with, be duly pondered, and the unavailing privilege 
of complaining must be thought a very poor recompense. If 
it be said he is not present to defend himself, that is not the 
least misfortune to the colony of Georgia where he is ; they 
will never revoke any thing they have hitherto affirmed and 
proved against him, but have much more to add to it, when- 
ever they shall be so happy as to be called on for that pur- 
pose. Some light specimens will appear in the following 
affidavits, voluntarily made, the effect of no art or manage- 
ment, collected with no view to disguise or amuse, but to 
inform and convince, the natural and plain language of op- 
pressed men, to which we refer the reader. 



APPENDIX. 



No. I. 

From Frederica. 

Samuel Perkins, late inhabitant and second bailiff of Fred- 
erica, in Georgia, aged thirty-nine years and upwards, makes 
oath and says, that he hved there five years and upwards, 
and cleared and fenced in five acres of land, whereof he 
planted one acre and a half, built two good and habitable 
houses in the town of Frederica, and one good and habitable 
house on his five acre lot. That the produce of the land so 
cleared, fenced in, and planted, was never sufficient to defray 
the expense of maintaining his servant who was employed 
thereon, and did well attend and keep clean the same, during 
the season for planting, for four years together. That he 
kept a store well furnished with goods from his first arrival, 
but that James Oglethorpe, Esq., who was either intrusted 
with, or took to himself, the sole command of all, would not 
allow this deponent to sell iron goods, because Mr. Lawley 
sold such. That about two years after his arrival, he, this 
deponent, sent James Shepherd to the guardhouse, for abus- 
ing this deponent and Mr. John Caldwell, third bailiff, in the 
execution of their office, in order to be punished, unless he 
repented, and asked pardon for his fault : but that Mr. Hor- 
ton, then commander-in-chief at Frederica, (Mr. Oglethorpe 
being absent), released the said Shepherd, and threatened 
this deponent to lock him to an oar in the scout boat, and to 
starve the said Caldwell, for securing the person of the said 
Shepherd. That finding he could not live by cultivation, 
and being bred a coach-maker, this deponent would have 



104 A Brief Account, ^c. 

wrought at his trade, and had chaises bespoke of him by 
Lieutenant Colonel Cockran, and Captain Gascoigne, and in 
Carolina ; but that the honorable James Oglethorpe, Esq., 
Colonel of his majesty's regiment of foot, continuing still the 
sole commander of all affairs in the southern division of 
Georgia, as well civil as military, would not suffer him to 
work at his trade ; and farther, that the said Oglethorpe, on 
or about November, 1738, did say to this deponent, "By 
G — I will burn the first chaise you make;" for which reason 
this deponent durst never make any during his stay in Geor- 
gia, nor so much as cart harness for his neighbors, that being 
also forbid in the same manner, though a set was bespoke, 
materials provided, and the work begun. 

That at a court holden at Frederica, February 4, 1739- 
40, a complaint was made by William Allen, that Mr. 
Thomas Hawkins, chief magistrate, owed him eight shillings 
and sixpence, which the said Hawkins acknowledged in 
open court to be due, and promised to pay the same; but 
the plain fifth's suit being renewed at sundry courts, and the 
money not being paid, this deponent and Mr. Francis Moore, 
recorder, on the 4th of February, 1740, did, in conjunction, 
write a handsome letter to the said Hawkins, (who would 
not appear that day either as defendant or magistrate,) desiring 
him to show cause why his goods should not be distrained ; 
when he returned for answer, that his health would not per- 
mit him to come to court, and desired not to be condemned 
unheard. But this deponent having seen him laughing and 
very merry w'ithin an hour before, as the constable, by whom 
the letter was sent, did inform the court, he was, when he 
delivered it ; it was the opinion of the court and every one 
present, that a distraint should be granted, for satisfying the 
said complainant, William Allen, which was done accordingly. 
But upon the officer's putting the same into execution, the 
said Oglethorpe sent for the said Caldwell, bailiff', when the 
goods seized were replevied, and the said Hawkins did say 
he should appeal to the trustees. 

That the said Hawkins having, at times, done some very 
wrong things in court, which had brought the authority of it 
to a very low ebb, insomuch that the people were under no 
government. As for instance, James Bland being taken into 
custody, and kept a long while confined, for selling rum to 
some soldiers who swam on board his master, Mr. Town- 



Appendix. 1 05 

send's vessel, and swearing they would have rum, took it by 
force, drank thereof, and returned ashore ; but afterwards 
making a second attempt, two of the said soldiers were 
drowned, xlfter a long confinement, the said Bland, at a 
court held at Frederica aforesaid, did move for his trial, when 
the said Hawkins answered, that he should not be tried, for 
if the other magistrates had no bread to lose, yet he had, and 
that he would not disoblige the General for any body ; 
wherefore, finding the said Oglethorpe did justify all such 
proceedings of the said Hawkins, and condemned and vili- 
fied whatever was done by this deponent ; he did, in August, 
1740, lay down his commission, as did Mr. Francis Moore, 
recorder, at the same time, and for the same reasons, as the 
said Moore did tell this deponent and others. 

That the said Oglethorpe did tell this deponent, that he 
would ruin him for distraining the said Hawkins's goods, 
were he Lord Chief Justice. 

That David Fellows, coxswain of the said Oglethorpe's 
boat, abused this deponent in his own house ; whereupon a 
constable was sent for, and the said Fellows striking the said 
constable, who got a warrant for the said Fellows, and by 
virtue of which did carry the said Fellows to the guard- 
house ; for which the said Oglethorpe broke the said con- 
stable. 

That at a court held the 27th of August, 1740, Thomas 
Herd and Samuel Davidson, returning Samuel Lee, John 
Harding, Thomas Archer, John Shelleday, Richard Hart and 
Samuel Gough, who cohabited each with his respective fe«- 
male unmarried, the grand jury found a bill against them ; 
and the said Hawkins did declare in open court, that the said 
Oglethorpe had got the proceedings of the said court, and did 
forbid the said Hawkins to proceed farther in that affair, add- 
ing, that the said General told him the constables were 
indictable for returning, and the grand jury for finding a bill 
against them, which violent proceedings of the said Ogle- 
thorpe were blamed, even by the said Hawkins. 

That this deponent having lived in good repute among his 
neighbors, and the officers of the regiment, was yet at last 
abandoned by them all, and that by order from the said Ogle- 
thorpe, as Captain Desbrisay and several others did confess 
to this deponent and his wife. 

That in 1738 he received a German family, consisting of 

VOL. II. 14 



106 A Brief Account, ^c. 

a man, his wife, son of nineteen, and daughter seven years 
of age, for which he gave bond to the trustees' store for 
seventeen pounds ten shillings sterling, in Captain William 
Thomson's name, the same being to bear interest at ten per 
cent, after the expiration of two years, if unpaid. That the 
trustees being indebted to this deponent more than that sum, 
he demanded the said bond, before he left the province, but 
the said Oglethorpe refused to deliver him the same, though 
he, the said Oglethorpe, did, at the same time, acknowledge 
that the money for the said family was paid. That the said 
bond is still out against this deponent, and ten per cent, for 
the same running on. And moreover, the said Oglethorpe 
having vowed revenge against this deponent for distraining 
the said Hawkins's goods, would not see him, nor suffer his 
account to be made up before he left the colony of Georgia, 
though he did often apply to the said Oglethoi-pe, in order 
thereto. And further, Mr. Thomas Jones did inform this 
deponent, that the said Oglethorpe swore he should never be 
paid one farthing, and that is due from the trustees ; 

and for boat-hire, and other services done at the late expe- 
dition against St. Augustine.* 

That having eighteen tame hogs, the said Oglethorpe 
issued an order, after the fortifications were begun, (and it 
was said were to be carried on round the town,) that no 
hogs should be kept within it, when this deponent sent his 
hogs to his little plantation, from whence they strayed to 
town in about six months thereafter; where, without any 
notice given, three sows big with young, and three barrows, 
were shot by one Pighly, a servant to the trustees, (as this 
deponent has been informed) the said Pighly being appointed 
for that purpose. 

That as this deponent was getting the remainder of the 
said hogs into his yard, Thomas Hunt, the General's servant 
boy, did, at the same time, run with his gun in pursuit of 
them, and say that he was ordered by the General to shoot 
them. 

That notwithstanding he was unable to live by cultivating 
lands, on which he has built without a proper title ; that 
promises made by the trustees of supplying the people with 
servants, of a bounty on produces raised, &lc. were never 

* no^ the whole. 



Appendix. 1 07 

fulfilled ; and that the complaints of these and many other 
things were universal ; yet, from his hopes, that they might 
reach his Majesty's ears, and the colony be under his royal 
protection, he should not have forsaken his improvements 
in Georgia so soon, could he have borne the said Ogle- 
thorpe's usage, who is become a terror not to evil doers, but 
to innocent men. 



Samuel Perkins. 



South Carolina, ss. 

Sworn before me, the 28lh of Nov. 1741. 
Othniel Beale, J. P. 



No. 2. 

From Frederica. 

John Roberson, aged thirty-three years and upwards, and 
Joseph Cannon, aged twenty years and upwards, late of 
Frederica, in Georgia, do make oath and say, that in com- 
pany of forty families or more, commanded by James Ogle- 
thorpe, Esq., they did go to the said Frederica, at the first 
settling thereof, which was in March, 1735-6; when the 
said people did immediately build themselves palmetto huts, 
by joint labor, to shelter themselves from the weather. That 
in May, 1736, by command of the said Oglethorpe, twenty- 
two of the said inhabitants of Frederica went to making of 
bricks, sawing of timber, and providing other materials, in 
order to build twenty-seven brick houses, which labor they 
continued till December following, when they had built only 
two houses, which were left unfinished, and the poor people 
finding the task too heavy for them were obliged to leave 
off, after having so lost thus much of their labor, and having 
done nothing towards raising their own provisions, though 
nine months of their one year's provisions promised them by 
the trustees w^ere expended. That then ten of the said 
inhabitants of Frederica having petitioned the said Ogle- 
thorpe before he went for England, for one tithing of land 
together, being a mile square, and obtaining the same in order 
to cuhivate it ; they made an attempt to enclose the whole 
with a worm fence of six feet high; and before it was fin- 
ished, there being an alarm that the Spaniards designed to 



1 08 A Brief Account, ^c. 

invade them, Mr. Horton, commander-in-chief, in the said 
Oglethorpe's absence, ordered them not to go out of sight 
of the town, which happening in February, 1736, hindered 
their planting any thing considerable, or raising twenty 
bushels of corn, within that tithing that year ; nor did the 
crop of all the other inhabitants far exceed that quantity. 

That the said people did employ themselves in cultiva- 
tion and other improvements the next year, when their corn 
was so destroyed by the drought, that it was the opinion of 
Qwevy one, that the whole settlement did not raise one hun- 
dred bushels. 

That the said inhabitants did still continue to plant with 
great pains and industry in the year 1739, w'hen the best 
crop was raised of every sort, that w'as seen at the said 
Frederica from the first settling of it ; and then complaints 
were universal among the said inhabitants, that it did not an- 
swer the expense of planting, and attending it. 

That for the encouragement of planting this year, Mr. 
Thomas Hird and Samuel Davison w^ent from house to house 
to acquaint the people, that General Oglethorpe said the 
trustees had always allowed one shilling per bushel for any 
sort of grain, &c. that was raised, and that he would allow 
two that year, but that these deponents did never receive any 
such bounty, nor hear of any that did. 

That in the year 1740, being unable to support them- 
selves by cultivation, and complaining of the restraints they 
were under, particularly the precarious titles of their lands, 
the public debts not being duly paid, finding themselves de- 
pendent on the trustees for a support. Falconer's lot being 
taken away, and a great, and the most valuable part of the 
common belonging to the town ; that many things were 
promised by the General and trustees, whereof ^es'v were 
accomplished, particularly mulberry trees ; and the General 
interfering with the magistrates, and obstructing the course 
of their proceedings, with many instances of injustice and 
oppression, to the great injury of the inhabitants, they began 
now to drop off, and many being engaged in the expedition 
against St. Augustine, very little planting was done this year, 
and their crop again complained of. 

That in the spring 1741, arbitrary power having raged to 
a great degree, and the inhabitants in general having no 
hopes of redress, many of them left the colony, as most of 



M. 



Appendix. 1 09 

the others have done since, and are doing daily, there being 
not above twelve of the first settlers left, and none of them 
planting, but Mr. Hawkins and another or two at the most. 
That some of the lots of those gone off are filled with offi- 
cers of the regiment, and the General's servants. 

That on or about August 1740, Mr. Hawkins, first magis- 
trate, being adjudged by the court to pay William Allen 
eight shillings six pence, the said Allen went to him to de- 
mand the same, when the said Hawkins gave him abusive 
language, which being returned by Allen, the said Hawkins 
ordered the constable to carry him to prison, for such his be- 
havior; but the constable, as well as others, being wearied 
out with that trifling debt, (which the said Hawkins would 
not pay, though he acknowledged it in several courts to be 
due) loitered, and not punctually obeying the said Hawkins's 
command, where he was both judge and party, the said 
Hawkins then applied to Major Cook to send a party of 
soldiers, under pretence that the people were rising in a 
mob, and threatened to break open the store ; and accord- 
ingly a party of soldiers, consisting of thirty and upwards, 
were sent by the said Cook, and quartered twenty-four 
hours at the houses of Samuel Davison and widow Bennet ; 
for wdiich the said Cook (finding that it was only a dispute 
arising from the ill conduct of the said Hawkins) was very 
angry, as was Ensign Sutherland, the officer sent with them. 
And further, that the said soldiers were posted sentinels, two 
at a time, at the door of the court, which was then held by 
the magistrates on affairs of the town. 

That an order was made by the said Oglethorpe, and pub- 
lic notice given, that no hogs should come within the town 
after the first of March, 1 739-40 ; and some hogs belonging 
to the inhabitants coming into the town afterwards, were 
shot by his own servants, who did so by the said Ogle- 
thorpe's order, notwithstanding they were a great part of the 
people's support ; and farther, that by the said Oglethorpe's 
orders likewise, demanded of Mr. Francis Moore and others, 
who were proprietors of the said hogs, four-pence apiece 
for shooting them, and the money was paid by the said pro- 
prietors. That the only pretence of some of them for so 
destroying the people's stock was, that they spoilt the fortifi- 
cation, which was only a bank of sandy earth, with pun- 
cheons and facines, begun but never finished, and great part 



no A Brief Account, ^c. 

of it fallen down again. That Major Cook, the engineer, 
gave it as his opinion that the hogs would do the fortification 
no damage, though it were completed, as once it was said to 
be intended. That the loss the people sustained hereby was 
considerable, though not to compare with that of the soldiers 
killing such as were in the woods. Daniel Cannon, who, it 
is well known had a large stock of them, having lost fifty and 
upwards, as have others in proportion, besides black cattle, 
some of which being proved to be shot by the soldiers, there 
is great reason to beheve that all that were lost were so de- 
stroyed by them, because they were out with their guns ; 
and though application has been made to the said Ogle- 
thorpe, even by Mr. Hawkins and others, he rather seemed 
inclined to justify than punish them, by saying, poor men ! 
they must have the liberty of going out with their guns in 
this country ; and farther, that the said Oglethorpe did say 
they had a title to come with their guns on any plantation 
fenced in. 

That complaints of grievances were universal and intolera- 
ble, or these deponents would not have left their improve- 
ments which have never answered the expense ; nor, if they 
are not seized by the General or trustees, they apprehend 
will never be of any value to them now, unless his Majesty 
would be graciously pleased to save his subjects from the 
severities of the said Oglethorpe, and a multitude of evils 
arising from a misconduct throughout the whole, by taking 
them under his princely care. 

John Roberson. 

Joseph Cannon. 

South Carolina. 

Sworn before me, this 29th day of Nov. 1741. 
Othniel Beale. 



No. 3. 

From Frederica. 

Samuel Davison, late of Frederica, in Georgia, aged forty 
years and upwards, maketh oath and saith, that whereas 
there was a fort built on St. George's island, about the time 
that Frederica was first settled, and (the said fort being then 



Appendix. 1 1 1 



garrisoned with twenty men and upwards,) that within ten 
days after settling the said fort, which was on or about April 
1736, Captain Ferguson, master of the scout-boat, employed 
by James Oglethorpe, Esq., being sent by the said Ogle- 
thoi"pe to visit the said garrison, did, conjunctly with Captain 
Harmsdorff, commander of the said garrison, withdraw the 
said men therefrom, and bring thern to the island of Amelia, 
it being thought all the said men were in danger of their lives, 
and therefore it was their request so to do, as this deponent 
was by some of them informed ; as he was, that the said fort 
was so near the Spanish look-out, on St. Juan's river, where 
the Spaniards were much more in number than the said gar- 
rison, and that the two sentinels could see each other from 
the said fort, to the said look-out. That the said Oglethorpe 
being angry with the said Ferguson for having so done, he 
did send for this deponent, then constable, to warn the people 
at Frederica, and give them notice of the danger they were 
in ; and did then say to this deponent, that the said Ferguson 
was quite to blame, "For what are a hundred men's lives to 
my honor." 

That the said Oglethorpe did employ Henry Manly last 
spring, as his overseer, at fifty pounds per annum, and four- 
teen servants or more, besides him, to plough a piece of the 
common belonging to the inhabitants of Frederica, and which 
he, the said Oglethorpe, did take from them in the year 1739. 
And that the said piece so ploughed, being planted with 
corn, pease and potatoes, and attended by the said men the 
whole summer, did not produce twenty bushels of any sort 
of corn or grain that was planted. 

That a small time before he left the said Frederica, which 
was in October last, the inhabitants thereof (who never did 
raise their own provisions, and not being able to plant so 
much this year as the two or three preceding years for want 
of servants, and through other discouragements,) had nothing 
to feed on but rice, brought from Carolina, which was sold 
dear till a supply of eight steers and eight or nine barrels of 
flour (which was sold at twenty-six shillings sterling per 
hundred,) was brought thence and sold to the inhabitants. 

Memorandum, on the tw'enty-sixth day of November, 
one thousand seven hundred and forty-one, before me, Abra- 
ham Croft, notary public, in the province of South Carolina, 
by lawful authority, admitted and sworn, personally appeared 



112 A Brief Account, ^c. 

Mr. Samuel Dnvison, and did on his oath declare, that the 
foregoing affidavit was just and true. 

Samuel Davison. 

Sworn before me the day 

and year aforesaid. [L. S.] 

Abraham Croft, N. P. 



No. 4. 

Fi'om Frederica. 

John Roberson, late bricklayer in Frederica, in Georgia, 
maketh oath and saith, that on or about the ninth of August 
last, being at work on Mr. Davison's house, adjoining to Mr. 
Hawkins's, at the said Fredei'ica, on which the said Davison 
was putting a new roof, he did propose to the said Hawkins, 
to take up a few shingles, and a gutter belonging to the said 
Hawkins's house, and put the said gutter on the party-wall, 
to which the said Hawkins agreed ; saying that it would be 
a benefit to him, because he must be obliged to alter the roof 
of his own house soon ; and the said Davison being to lay 
down a new gutter at his own expense, it would serve for 
both houses, and which must save one half the expense of 
the said gutter to the said Hawkins. But the said Hawkins 
being out of town, a day or two after General Oglethorpe 
sent to the said Davison, to forbid him to touch anything be- 
longing to the said Hawkins's house, though the said gutter 
encroached fourteen inches on the said Davison's ground, 
and the said Oglethorpe's own carpenter said it might be 
done in a few hours, and without harm to the Doctor.* That 
the said Oglethorpe did soon after, on the same day, stand 
on the sill of the said Hawkins's window, and put his head 
up betwixt the joists of the said Davison's house, and ordered 
Mr. Cannon to build the said joists six inches lower; when 
the said Cannon told the said Oglethorpe they were but six 
inches deep ; when the said Oglethorpe rej)lied, he did not 
care, they might take it down, and build the house six inches 
lower ; when the said Cannon said, that one roof would fall 
lower than the other, and that therefore it would be impossi- 

' Hawkins. 



Appendix. 113 

ble to make the said Davison's house tight, or keep it dry ; 
then the said Oglethorpe said, you might have thought of 
that before. And further, that the said Oglethorpe did then 
say to the said Cannon, if you touch a shingle of what the 
Doctor (meaning Hawkins) has put down, I'll shoot you, 
to which he added a great oath, for you have done more 
than you can answer in building so high as to stop up the 
Doctor's window. That the said Davison being thus hin- 
dered from finishing his house, was forced to remove his 
goods from the said house, (which w^as quite open,) and had 
only a stable for his family to be in, until this deponent left 
the said Frederica, which was on the 29th of September, 
1741. 

John Roberson. 

South Carolina, ss. 

Sworu before me, Nov. 28, 1741. 
Othniel Beale. 



No. V. 
From Darien. 

John M'Leod, late minister of Darien, maketh oath and 
saith, that the people setded in Darien, in the province of 
Georgia, January, 1735-6, expected something more than 
being able barely to support themselves and families by clear- 
ing land, and planting it, or feeding of cattle. But in the 
year 1738, they found, by experience, that the produce of 
land in Georgia did not answer the expense of time and la- 
bor bestowed on it, either by themselves, who had taken 
great pains, or, indeed, by any white men at all, even where 
neither labor nor money were wanting, though it has always 
proved ineffectual. Therefore, it was then the voice of the 
said people of Darien, to leave the colony, though the im- 
provements they had made were considerable, and settle in 
some province to the northward, where they would be free 
from such restraints, as rendered them incapable of subsist- 
ing themselves and families. That the petition signed by 
some of them against negroes, and in opposition to the repre- 
sentation from Savannah, dated the 9th of December, one 
thousand seven hundred and thirty-eight, (which was after- 

voL. n. 15 



114 A Brief Account, ^c. 

wards signed by some of those who did sign the said peti- 
tion), was wrote by a person who had no lot in Darien, an 
officer in General Oglethor[)e's regiment, whom this deponent 
has great reason to believe, to have been sent by tlie said 
General to Darien on that purpose, knowing that the said 
person had an influence on some of that people, he being 
their countryman, and formerly master of the ship in which 
the said people came to America. That when this deponent 
left the said Darien, in May last, the widows and fatherless 
children, then there, had a promise of a slender allowance of 
provisions for some months before ; but not being punctually 
given them, they were in a miserable condition. Nor were 
they suftered to go and get a livelihood elsewhere, which 
they were desirous of That the indented servants, who sur- 
vived the unhappy action at Musa, when their time of servi- 
tude was expired, were under the necessity of listing in the 
service of a bad paymaster, or starving, because there was a 
land scout and water scout, to keep them from leaving the 
place, by land or water, and there weie no others in the 
place to give them bread for their labor, being then but four 
of the old settlers there ; and these being wearied of culti- 
vating ground for its produce, planted none last season ; and 
the others (being about twenty in number) were for the most 
part servants, lately sent by the said General from another 
part of the colony, the rest being servants to the trustees at 
Darien. 

That all the people at the said Darien are so strictly 
watched, that this deponent could not get away to Frederica, 
when he was coming off, nor from Frederica to Savannah 
without a permit. And that the said General refused (as his 
then secretary, Mr. Mariotte, told this deponent) to permit 
his indented servant to row his boat from Frederica to Sa- 
vannah. And farther this deponent saith not. 

John M'Leod. 

South Carolina : — Personally appeared before me, Othnicl Beale, )one of his 
Majesty's assistant judges) the above-named John M'Leod, and made oath, that 
the contents above and foregoing, to which he subscribed iiis name, are true. 

Sworn this 12th Nov. 1741. 
Othniel Beale. 



Appendix. 115 

No. VI. 

From Darien. 

Alexander Monroe, late of Darien, in Georgia, aged thirty- 
five years and upwards, maketh oath and saith, that he arrived 
at the said Dai'ien, together with his wife, and one child, in 
company with near forty families more, in February, 1735-6. 
That he cleared, fenced in, and planted five acres of land, 
built a good house in the town, and made other improve- 
ments, such as gardening, &c. That he was never able to 
support his family by cultivation, though he planted the said 
five acres three years, and had a good crop. That he lived 
at Darien three years, and might have continued there 
longer, though he never heard that any white man was able 
to gain a livelihood by planting, had it not been for the mis- 
management of some people in power, who exercised great 
severity over the inhabitants. That John More M'Intosh, 
who had the care of the trustees' stores kept at Darien for 
the use of the people there, issued out the stipulated allow- 
ance from the trustees of corn-kind, such as was rotten, 
though, at the same time, there was good and whole- 
some corn in the stores, which the said M'Intosh, not only 
made use of for himself and family, but fed his own hogs 
with the same, and this for two months together. That 
their allowance of cheese was so bad, that the inhabitants 
were obliged to throw it out to dogs, though they were starv- 
ing at the same time. That the said M'Intosh did employ 
this deponent and others of the said inhabitants in making a 
fort, making a landing-place, building a store-house, guard- 
house, and several other public works, promising in behalf 
of the trustees, that they should be paid for the same, but 
that this deponent did never receive any money, or other 
consideration for such service ; though he, together with the 
others employed in the said works, applied to Colonel Ogle- 
thorpe in that behalf. 

That in the year 1737, the inhabitants of Darien were 
reduced to such distress for want of provisions, having neither 
corn, pease, rice, potatoes, nor bread-kind of any sort, or fish, 
nor flesh of any kind in store, after sending several times to 
Mr. Horton at Frederica for a supply, without being able to 



116 A Brief Account, ^c. 

obtain it, Tliat their necessity pressed so much, that they 
were obliged, and did unanimously agree to go in a body 
with the said M'Intosh More at the head of them, and make 
a demand of the said Horton to relieve their wants ; and, it 
being our last shift, in case we were not supplied there, to 
go fi'om thence to Savannah, where we were informed was 
no want in their stores, and not to return empty, being 
one and all determined, that if we should meet with a 
denial there, to break open the stores in a public manner, 
for hunger will break through even stone walls. But 
the said Horton not supplying us, sent us to Captain 
Gascoigne, commander of his Majesty's sloop the Hawk, 
who spared us two barrels of flour, and one barrel of beef. 

That Captain Hugh M'Kay having exercised an illegal 
power there, such as judging in all causes, directing and 
ordering all things according to his will, as did the said M'In- 
tosh More, by which many unjust and illegal things were 
done. That not only the servants of the said freeholders of 
Darien were ordered to be tied up and whipt ; but also this 
deponent, and Donald Clark, who themselves were free- 
holders, were taken into custody, and bound with ropes, 
and threatened to be sent to Frederica to Mr. Horton, and 
there punished by him : this deponent, once for refusing to 
cry "all is well," when he w^as an out-sentry, he having be- 
fore advised them of the danger of so doing, lest the voice 
should direct the Indians to fire upon the sentry, as they had 
done the night before, and again for drumming with his 
fingers on the side of his house, it being pretended, that he 
had alarmed the town. That upon account of these, and 
many other oppressions, the freeholders applied to Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe, for a court of justice to be erected, and proper magis- 
trates appointed in Darien, as in other towns in Georgia, 
that they might have justice done among themselves, w-hen 
he gave them for answer, " that he would acquaint the trus- 
tees with it ;" but that this deponent heard no more of it. 
That in December 1738, the said inhabitants of Darien find- 
ing, that from their first settling in Georgia, their labors turned 
to no account, that their wants were daily growing on them, 
and being weary of oppression, they came to a resolution to 
depute two men, chosen from amongst them, to go to 
Charleston in South Carolina, and there to make application 
to the government, in order to obtain a grant of lands, to 



Appeyidix. 117 

which the whole settlement of Darien to a man were to 
remove altogether, the said John M'Intosh More excepted ; 
but that it being agreed among them, first to acquaint the 
said Colonel with their intentions, and their reasons for such 
resolutions, John M'Intosh L., was employed by the said 
freeholders to lay the same before him, who returned them 
an answer, " that they should have credit for provisions, with 
two cows and their calves, and a breeding mare, if they 
would continue on their plantations." That the people 
with the view of these helps, and hoping for the further 
favor and countenance of the said Colonel, and being loth to 
leave their little all behind them, and begin the world in a 
strange place, were willing to make another trial, if they 
could by any means make out a livelihood in the colony : 
but whilst they were in expectation of these things, this de- 
ponent being at his plantation two miles from the town, in 
December 1738, he received a letter from Ronald M'Donald, 
which w'as sent by order of the said M'Intosh More, and 
brought to this deponent by William, son of the said M'In- 
tosh, ordering him, the said deponent, immediately to come 
himself, and bring William Monro along with him to town, 
and advising him, that, " if he did so, he would be made a 
man of, but that if he did not, he would be ruined for ever." 
That this deponent coming away without loss of time, he 
got to the said M'Intosh More's house about nine of the 
clock that night, where he found several of the inhabitants 
together, and where the said M'Intosh More did tell this 
deponent, " that if he would sign a paper, which he then 
offered him, that the said Colonel would give him cattle and 
servants from time to time, and that he would be a good 
friend to as many as would sign the said paper, but that they 
would see what would become of those that would not sign 
it, for that the people of Savannah would be all ruined, who 
opposed the said Colonel in it." That this deponent did 
not know the contents of the said paper, but seeing, that 
some before him had signed it, his hopes on one side, and 
fears on the other, made him sign it also. That upon his 
conversing w^ith some of the people, after leaving the house, 
he was acquainted with the contents and design of the said 
paper, which this deponent believes to be the petition from 
the eighteen, which the trustees have printed, and that very 
night he became sensible of the wrong he had done ; and 



118 A Brief Accmmi, ^c. 

that his conscience did thereupon accuse him, and does yet, 
for having so done. That upon a promise from the said 
Colonel, that he would give this deponent £12 currency per 
month, he went to the late siege of St. Augustine, as did 
sixty other inhabitants and servants of Darien, of which only 
thirty-two escaped the massacre at Moosa. That their 
allowance of provisions not being delivered as they ought, 
this deponent, and the rest of their company were reduced 
to the necessity of feeding on palmetto roots to keep them- 
selves from starving. That this deponent was almost fam- 
ished with thirst on long marches and counter-marches, and 
not allowed even to quench it with water. That the said 
Colonel had this deponent's boat on that service for three 
months, promising him to purchase the same, but it was 
returned him, and no pay at all allowed for that, nor his own 
time, except one month's pay, though he was out three, 
and had engaged, as others did, with the said Colonel for 
four months certain ; and was all he had to support his family, 
his crop being lost by his being absent. That in November 
1740, this deponent left the said Darien, and all his aforesaid 
improvements, though not without hopes, that a power supe- 
rior to the trustees would take the deplorable condition of 
these people into consideration, and give encouragement for 
him to return and reap the benefit of his labors. 

That he left only four of the freeholders, and about as 
many of their servants there, besides a few servants of the 
trustees, and the widows and orphans of those slain and 
taken prisoners at Moosa, whom the said Colonel allowed 
two pounds of beef and a peck of Indian corn a head per 
week, and who were desirous of coming away, but were 
unable; that this deponent never heard of their petitioning 
the said Colonel, or any body else, for a supply of others of 
their countrymen in the room of those lost at Moosa, nor 
that they were desirous of it. 

Alexander Monroe. 

South Carolina :— Sworn before me this 29lh day of November, Anno 1741, 
(" the words ' and wliolesome' in the first page, and ' two pounds' in the fifth 
page, being first interlined.") 

Othniel Beale. 



Appendix, 119 



No. VII. 

Gieorge Philp, late of the town of Savannah, in Georgia, 
merchant, aged twenty-three years and upwards, malieth 
oath and sailh, that he this deponent has been twice in 
Georgia in America: that the second time he arrived there, 
which w^as in September 1738, he found the number of in- 
habitants decreased, and the people in general uneasy ; that 
the inhabitants of the south, both of Frederica and Darien, 
notwithstanding some of the latter did send a petition to the 
trustees, as some of the others are said to have signed one, 
which they did not send, yet they are as incapable of im- 
proving their lands and raising produces, as the people in 
the northern division, as appears from the very small quan- 
tity of Indian corn which hitherto has been the chief and 
almost only produce of the province, some few potatoes 
excepted ; and as a proof of which, this deponent says, that 
he was in the south in May last, when the season for plant- 
ing was over, and much less was done at Frederica than in 
former years : and that the people of Darien did inform him, 
that they had not of their own produce to carry to market, 
even in the year 1739, which was the most plentiful year 
they ever saw there, nor indeed any preceding year ; nor 
had they (the people of Darien) bread-kind of their own 
raising, sufficient for the use of their families from one crop 
to another, as themselves, or some of them, did tell this 
deponent : and farther, the said people of Darien were, in 
May last, repining at their servants being near out of their 
time, because the little stock of money they carried over 
with them was exhausted on cultivation, which did not bring 
them a return ; and they were thereby rendered quite unable 
to plant their lands, or help themselves any way : and fur- 
ther, that those of the inhabitants in the south, who did sign 
the petition, counter to the representation of the 9th of De- 
cember 1738, were some of them ashamed and heartily 
sorry for having so done, it being contrary to the true interest 
of themselves and the whole country, as themselves did con- 
fess to this deponent; and that the said inhabitants in the 
south, or some of them, did confess and voluntarily say to 
him this deponent, that they were induced to sign the said 
petition by promises of credit being given them by the store. 



120 A Brief Account, ^c. 

for cattle, which they afterwards had, and gave bonds for 
their value ; and that those that refused to sign the said peti- 
tion praying against negroes, had no cattle given them, nor 
credit for any, as some of the said people who did sigi* the 
said petition, counter to the said representation, did tell this 
deponent : and that in September last, Mr. John M'Intosh, 
son of Mr. Benjamin M'Intosh, told him this deponent, that 
his father, at the request of the few people then remaining 
at Darien, was to go soon into South Carolina, to look out 
for some new settlement there for the said people of Darien, 
for that they did intend to leave their improvements in 
Georgia, because they did not answer the expense ; nor 
were they able any longer to subsist themselves in Georgia : 
that he never saw nor heard of the Saltzburgers at Eben- 
ezer, their selling provisions in Savannah, nor elsewhere, 
except a few calves ; though he lived, and, for the most part, 
was in the most public part of the town, and near the place 
where the provisions were commonly sold ; but that he has 
often seen them fetch provisions for their own use, as sup- 
posed, from the public stores at Savannah, as also bread and 
flour from other private stores in the town ; that he has 
seen and known a great many people in Georgia, and who 
were reputed to be the most industrious, to bo. very labo- 
rious, and to take pains on their lands, the produce of which 
does not answer the expense of a white man's labor, as they 
themselves have told him ; that this deponent would not have 
left the colony, had it not been so much upon the decline, 
for that he liked the place so well, that he would have taken 
up a lot in the town of Savannah, about the month of August 
1739, but General Oglethorpe refused to grant him one; 
because he said he would not have asked for one, had he 
not hoped that the tenures would be altered. 

George Philp. 

Swora at the public office, 16th February, 1740. 

W. Spicer. 



Appendix. 121 

No. VIII. 

From Ebenezer. 

John Speilbeigler, late of Ebenezer, in Georgia, aged 
twenty-nine years and upwards, maketii oath and saith, that 
he arrived in Georgia on or about March 1735-6, and lived 
there till March 1740-1. That soon after his arrival, his 
countrymen, who were setded at Old Ebenezer, on their 
first coming to Georgia, (upon a complaint, " that the land 
did not answer the expense and labor bestowed on it,") 
were removed several miles farther up the river Savannah, to 
the place now called Ebenezer, and where he left them, or 
the greatest part of them when he came away ; that he built 
a house, and fenced in his lot, and made other improvements 
in the town, and cleared and planted four acres of land, on 
which he never but once had so much as fifty bushels of 
corn, and twenty bushels of potatoes, which was not suffi- 
cient to maintain himself and mother in the common neces- 
saries of life; (they have nothing to drink but water,) nor 
did he buy any clothes, nor had he money or anything to 
give in exchange for drink or clothes, the whole five years 
that he lived in Georgia, except about thirty yards of ozna- 
burgs, that made him ten shirts, and about ten pair of shoes, 
which cost six shillings a pair; that he must have gone 
naked, had not he hired himself by the month at Savannah, 
which enabled him to buy the said shirts and shoes ; that ' 
the inhabitants of the said Ebenezer in general, have often 
said to him, " that they could not live were it not for the as- 
sistance they received from their friends in Europe and the 
trustees' store," which Mr. Boltzius, the minister, distributed 
among them as he thought fit. That the said inhabitants had 
never corn, and rice, or any sort of bread-kind sufficient for 
the use of their families from crop to crop ; though last year 
some of them gave in exchange a small quantity of Indian 
corn for a little flour, and sometimes, (perhaps) twice the last 
year, three or four fowls, a calf, or small pig among them. 
That he never had his lands conveyed to him, nor a grant or 
any sort of writing to show for the same ; and that all the 
inhabitants of the said Ebenezer in general, were frequently 
complaining that they had no sort of writing to show that 

VOL. H. 16 



1 22 A Brief Account, ^c. 

they had titles to their lands. That the inhabitants in gen- 
eral of the said Ebenezer, have often said to him, that they 
wanted and would be glad of negroes, because they found 
that they were unable to raise provisions for their .support by 
their own labor. That the said inhabitants were called to- 
gether by the said Boltzius to sign their petition, dated 
March 13, 1739, and that they, or many of them, would not 
have signed it, had they not been compelled to do it by the 
said Boltzius, as they after told this deponent, and repenting 
their signing it, did several of them leave the colony, as this 
deponent believes the rest would do, were they able ; for 
they are very uneasy under the arbitrary government of the 
said Boltzius, who judges in all causes, gives to and takes 
from whom he pleases, the said inhabitants being deprived 
the benefits of any courts of judicatui-e, or magistrates, 
having no such among them, except the said Boltzius, who 
takes upon him to act as king, priest and prophet ; and who 
took this deponent's plantation tools from him, on his coming 
away, without Judge or jury, though he was nothing indebted 
to the said Boltzius. And farther this deponent saith not. 

South Carolina, ss. 
Personally appeared the deponent, John Speilbeigler, who on oath declared, 
that the contents foregoing are true. 
Sworn this 16th day of Dec. 1741, before me. 
Othxiel Beale. 

I do hereby further certify, that I have employed the said John Speilbeigler at 
his trade, being a bricklayer, and that he performed to my satisfaction, being 
(as far as I could discover,) sober, diligent and faithful. Witness my hand 
the day above mentioned. Otuniel Beale. 



No. IX. 

From Ebenezer. 

Whereas the inhabitants of Ebenezer, in Georgia, have 
signed a petition, setting forth their dislike to negroes, sig- 
nifying that the produce of their lands answers the labor 
bestowed on them, and that they are well pleased with their 
condition ; These are to certify, to all whom it may concern, 
that the subscribers hereof, who are of the oldest settlers in 
the said Ebenezer, have never yet been able to support 



Appendix. 



123 



themselves and families by cultivation ; nor do they know an 
instance of it, among all the said inhabitants. And farther, 
that the inhabitants in general think it hard, that they have 
not [vee titles to their lands, nor a scrap of wiiting, showing 
any title at all to their lands, which have cost them much 
labor to improve. And further, that the inhabitants in gen- 
eral of the said Ebenezer, are desirous of negroes. That 
they were called together to sign their said petition, and 
many of them have been heard by us to say, that they would 
not have done it, but that our minister would have been 
angry with them, if they had refused to. do so. That they 
would yet sign a petition for negroes, were it not that Mr. 
Boltzius, our minister, who exercises an arbitrary power over 
us, might make them \ery uneasy. 

Christopher Ortman. 

John Michael Riser. 

Thomas Richer. 

Ebenezer, 20th Oct. 1741. 



No. X. 



From Augusta. 



A List of such Traders, Men, and Horses, as come from 
other parts, and only pass through or by Augusta in their 
ivay to the Creek Nation. 



Messrs. Wood and Brown, from South CaroUna 

Daniel Clark, from ditto 

Archibald M'Gilvray, from ditto 

Geornje Cossons, from ditto 

Jeremiah Knott, from ditto 

AT j Spencer, from Mount Pleasant 

( Gilmore, from ditto 

( Barnett, from ditto 
' ) Ladson, from ditto 
James Cossons, from South Carolina 
George Golphin, from ditto 
William Sluthers, from ditto . 



Messrs. 



Men. 


Horses 


8 


60 


4 


20 


3 


18 


4 


30 


4 


30 


3 


16 


4 


20 


3 


20 


3 


20 


5 


30 


4 


25 


4 


25 


49 


314 



124 



A Brief Account, ^c. 



A List of the Whole Inhabitants of the Township of Au- 



^ItOliUij l>IV \JICWI 


Men 


Wo. 


Ch 


Mr. Kennedy O'Brien, 


5 


3 





Thomas Smith, 


1 







Messrs. Mackenzie and Frazer, 


5 







John Miller, 


. 2 




1 


Thomas Goodale, 


2 




2 


Samuel Brown, 


. 2 




1 


Sanders Ross, 


2 








A Saddler, 


. 1 




1 


A Tailor, 


1 







William Clark, 


. 1 







Henry Overstreet, 


1 




4 


Locklan M'Bean, 


. 2 


2 


1 


William Gray, 


4 








AVilliam Calahern, 


. 


2 


2 




29 


16 


12 



A List of Traders, Men, and Horses, employed from Au- 
gusta, in the Chickasaw and Creek Trade. 



George Mackay, .... 

Henry Elsey, ..... 
Messrs. Facey and Macqueen, 
John Wright, . . . . . 

John Gardner, .... 

William Calahern, .... 

Thomas Andrews, in Creek and Chickasaw Nations, 
Thomas Daval, .... 

John Cammell, ..... 
Paul Rundall, .... 

Nicholas Chinery, .... 

William Newberry, .... 



Men. 


Horses 


4 


20 


3 


20 


6 


40 


4 


20 


3 


20 


3 


15 


8 


70 


3 


20 


3 


20 


3 


20 


3 


20 


3 


20 


46 


305 



John Gardner. 



Savannah, July 14, 1741, 



The day above-written, John Gardner, of Augusta, Indian 
trader, personally came and appeared before me, John Fal- 
lowfield, one of the bailiffs of the town of Savannah, and 



Appendix. 125 

made oath, that the said several accounts of traders, horses, 
and men, employed in the Creek and Chickasaw nations; 
and also the list of the white persons, men, women, and 
children, now living in the township of Augusta, are, to the 
best of the said deponent's knowledge, just and true; and 
that the persons residing in, and belonging to the fort of Au- 
gusta, are not contained in the said lists above, and on the 
other side of this paper written. 

John Gardner. 

Sworn the day and year above-written, at Savannah aforesaid. 
John Fallowfield. 



No. XI. 

From Augusta. 

The deposition of Kennedy O'Brien, of Augusta, in the 
colony of Georgia, merchant, one of the first inhabitants of 
the said township, and a constant resident therein, ever since 
the first settlement thereof, who being duly sworn on the 
holy Evangelists of Almighty God, saith. That whereas he 
has been informed, that a representation has lately been 
made and transmitted to the honorable the trustees for estab- 
Hshing the said colony of Georgia, setting forth the flourish- 
ing state and condition of the said colony in general, and of 
the said township of Augusta in particular ; and the said de- 
ponent, being willing to undeceive any, or all, who may be 
thereby induced to give credit to the said representation, 
doth voluntarily, and of his own accord, declare and maintain 
the following truths to be strictly just. 

1. That there are not more than forty white men, inhabit- 
ants and residents of the said township of Augusta, save 
only the soldiers in garrison there, which are about fifteen or 
twenty more. 

2. That all, or most of the corn that hath been made and 
raised there, hath been wrought and manufactured by ne- 
groes, belonging to the said inhabitants, and those opposite 
to them on the north side of the river in South Carolina. 

3. That, at least, one third part of the corn reported to 
be raised in Augusta is raised in South Carolina, hard by the 
said township. 



126 A Brief Account, ^c. 

4. That there are not more than five hundred horses em- 
ployed in the Indian trade, that resort to Augusta, although 
it is esteemed the key to the Creek, the Chickasaw, and 
the Cherokee nations ; and that the most of those horses 
and persons employed about them, and interested and con- 
cerned in them, do as often go to New Windsor in South 
Carolina to trade as to Augusta. 

5. That there are now in Augusta but three trading 
houses, and those in a state of decay and languishing condi- 
tion ; and that through the ill regulation of the Indian trade. 

And this deponent further saith, that no oil, wine, nor 
olives, hath ever been produced at Augusta, or hath ever 
been attempted to be raised or cultivated there, to the best 
of this deponent's knowledge. And further this deponent 
saith not. 

Kennedy O'Brien. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me, 
this 9th day of July, 1741. 
John Pye, Recorder. 



No. XII. 

The deposition of Sir Richard Everard, Bart, who, being 
duly sworn, saith, that some time about the evening of (to 
the best of this deponent's memory) the tenth of this present 
month of July, he, this deponent, had some discourse with 
Mr. Samuel Mercer, of the town of Savannah, in the said 
province of Georgia, in the square of the said town ; amongst 
other discourse this deponent asked the said Samuel Mercer, 
how he could join in sweaiing to, and signing a -representa- 
tion of the state of the colony, when the said representation 
contained many things, of the truth of which he could be no 
ways certain ; and other things which were in themselves 
absolutely (as this deponent had been informed) false. The 
said Mercer said, that the number of men and horses at Au- 
gusta were easily to be accounted for, that I counted only 
the exact number of men and horses said to be there, which 
would not amount to near the numbers mentioned in the 
representation, but that he apprehended, that they had been 
counted every man and horse, as often as ever they went 
from, or came to Augusta, which would (he said) amount to 



Appendix. 127 

the numbers mentioned to be in the representation. I told 
him, that they might have taken a shorter method of count- 
ing,* and not wait the trouble of the traders coming down 
from the nation ; that they had nothing more to do, but to 
make Capt. Kent, commander of the fort of Augusta, to march 
his men. in and out, as often as they pleased to count them, 
and they might make what numbers they thought necessary 
for the service of their cause at any time, or to that effect. 
And this deponent saith, that to the best of his memory, this 
is the substance of the conversation he had at that time with 
the said Samuel Mercer. And he, this deponent, further saith, 
that on Monday the l3th of this instant, being in company 
with several gentlemen at the house of Peter Morrell, in the 
town of Savannah, in Georgia, John Ray, (who this deponent 
was informed was) a subscriber and swearer to the above- 
mentioned representation, being then and there, he was 
asked how he came to swear to and subscribe the said rep- 
resentation ; after many weak and frivolous excuses and jus- 
tifications, finding himself unable to defend the said action, 
he said, and swore by God, that the honorable the trustees 
owed him one hundred pounds sterling, and that he swore 
to, and signed that representation, in hopes to get his money 
from them, otherwise he never would have sworn to or signed 
the same ; adding, that he hoped to have his hundred pounds 
out of the ten thousand pounds said to be voted by the par- 
hament for the support of Georgia. 



Sworn before me, this 14ih day of July, 1741. 
John Fallowfield. 



R. EVERARD. 



No. XIII. 

Savannah, | no? 

in Georgia, i ± wm bcivannali. 

Andrew Neilson, chief mate, and Thomas Conn, one of 
the mariners of the sloop Oglethorpe, belonging to St. 
Christophers, being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelist of 
Almighty God, jointly and severally make oath and say, 
that on or about the fourth day of May, one thousand seven 
hundred and thirty-nine, these deponents were taken up by 
a warrant ; and by virtue thereof, brought before and ex- 



128 A Brief Account, ^c. 

amined by Henry Parker and Robert Gilbert, two of the 
bailiffs of Savannah aforesaid, touching a report that had 
been spread in the camp of St. Simons, in this province. To 
wit, that General Oglethorpe was under confinement in 
Charleston, which the soldiers were glad of; and that the 
soldiers should say, that if he should return to St. Simons 
he would be shot ; and that if one would not shoot him, 
another would ; and that when they had done it, they would 
fly to St. Augustine ; all which words and report the said 
Henry Parker and Robert Gilbert charged these deponents 
with, as the authors ; which charge these deponents utterly 
denied, and petitioned the said bailiffs that they might have 
liberty to go to the camp at St. Simons aforesaid, to answer 
to the said charge before General Oglethorpe, which was ac- 
cordingly granted ; and these deponents were next day sent 
thither, under the care of Lieutenant William Horton. And 
these deponents further say, that some few days after, they 
were brought before and examined by the said General 
Oglethorpe, at Frederica, on the said island of St. Simons, 
concerning the said report ; the first part of which, to wit, 
that General Oglethorpe was under confinement in Charles- 
ton, these deponents acknowledged themselves to have 
uttered, and said in vindication thereof, that so much of the 
said report as last mentioned, was current in the camp, and 
that these deponents first heard it there ; and as to the other 
part of the said report, these deponents utterly denied to 
have ever so much as heard of the same, till they were 
chaiged therewith ; whereupon the said General Oglethorpe 
examined these deponents separately. And this deponent, 
Andrew Neilson, for himself saith, that the said General 
Oglethorpe asked this deponent, if he never heard his owner, 
Mr. Robert Williams, spread the said report, which this de- 
ponent denying, the said General Oglethorpe then insisted 
that the said Robert Williams must have persuaded this de- 
ponent to have spread the said report, which this deponent 
again utterly denied, and said it was hard to accuse an inno- 
cent man. And this deponent, Andrew Neilson, for himself^ 
further saith, that the said General Oglethorpe, after having 
endeavored to induce this deponent to accuse the said 
Robert Williams, as the author of the said report, by several 
cross questions, he then told this deponent, that he, the said 
General Oglethorpe, had been endeavoring to plead for him, 



^ Appendix. 129 

this deponent, and would put words into his mouth if he had 
a mind to save himself. But this deponent still denying to 
accuse the said Robert Williams, the said General Ogle- 
thorpe then endeavored to intimidate this deponent by sev- 
eral threats ; and among others, told this deponent that 
unless he would say that the said Robert Williams had spoke 
or raised the aforesaid report, he, the said General Ogle- 
thorpe, would order the soldiers to be under arms, and would 
turn this deponent loose among them, and leave him to their 
mercy. And this deponent, Thomas Conn, for himself saith, 
that the said General Oglethorpe asked this deponent the 
same questions, or to the same purpose ; and endeavored to 
persuade this deponent to accuse the said Robert Williams, 
as the author of the said report, by fair words and threats, in 
the manner as the other deponent, Andrew Neilson, hath 
before deposed, or by words to the very same effect and 
meaning. And these deponents both say, that after the said 
General Oglethorpe had examined them separately, they 
were both brought before him together, and he then again 
told them, that he would order the soldiers to be drawn out 
under arms, and would turn these deponents loose among 
them, and leave them to their mercy ; for there was not a 
man among them but would die for him. And lastly, these 
deponents say, that the said General Oglethorpe cast several 
reflections on the said Robert Williams about cattle stealing ; 
and a short time afterwards, Lieutenant William Horton ad- 
vised these deponents to petition General Oglethorpe to be 
discharged, which they accordingly did ; and soon after the 
said Lieutenant William Horton came and told them, that 
the said General Oglethorpe ordered that they should make 
the best of their way to Savannah ; and that the said Lieu- 
tenant William Horton provided them a passage in the scout- 
boat ; and further these deponents say not. 

Andrew Neilson.* 
Thomas Conn. 

Sworn this 20th day of May, 1739, before me. 

Thomas Christie, Recorder. 

VOL. II. 17 



130 A Brief Account^ ^c. 

No. XIV. 

From Savannah. 

The deposition of Joiin Pye, of the town of Savannah, 
who being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelist of Almighty 
God, saith, that sometime in the year 1739, the honorable 
the trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia, sent over 
by Captain Thompson into this colony, twenty casks of cop- 
per half-pence, weight two hundred and thirty pounds each ; 
in all about four hundred pounds sterling. And this depo- 
nent further saith, that he believes and is persuaded that the 
said sum of four hundred pounds aforesaid, was sent over 
into this colony for change to the inhabitants. And this de- 
ponent further saith, that sometime after, John Provoost came 
into Savannah with a cargo of provisions, which said pro- 
visions Mr. Thomas Jones, store-keeper to the honorable 
the trustees, purchased and paid down the value in copper ; 
and that the whole quantity of goods amounted to fourteen 
or fifteen casks of copper, which this deponent saw delivered 
on board Provoost's sloop ; and further this deponent saith 
not. 

John Pye. 

Sworn before me, this 24th day of July, 1741. 
John Fallowfield. 



■ No. XV. 
From Savannah. 

John Scott, late of Savannah, in the province of Georgia, 
but now of Charleston, South Carolina, maketh oath and 
s^th, that he went to work, and got up a house and work- 
house, and was building a forge ; but John West, the then 
bailiff, came to this deponent, and told him that he should 
not build a forge, that he would pull it down again, for that 
there should be no forge in town but his, he being by trade 
a blacksmith. John Scott. 

Charleston, South Carolina. 

Sworn before me, this 30th day of April, 1740. 
Thomas Dale. 



Appendix, 131 

No. XVL 

From Savannah. 

James Oglethorpe, ^-c, to John Lyndall. 

By virtue of powers granted from his Majesty, George the 
Second, by the grace of God, King of Great Britain, France, 
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., 1 do appoint you, 
John Lyndall to be tithing-man of the lower new-ward ; to 
train and exercise the militia of the said tithings, and to keep 
the peace, and obey all such orders as you shall receive from 
the constable of the said wards, or from such other person 
or persons as I shall appoint to command, train and exercise 
the militia. And this shall continue in full force until 1, or 
such as shall succeed to my commands, shall recall the same, 
and then it shall cease and determine. Given under my 
hand and seal at Savannah, in Georgia, the 19th day of Oc- 
tober, 1739. 

James Oglethorpe. 

This is a true copy, examined the 26th of October, 1741, by us. "Witness our 
hands. 

John Lyndall. 
Thomas Ormstun. 



No. XVII. 

Andrew Grant, late of the province of Georgia, maketh 
oath, that he hath paid fourteen shillings and three-pence per 
hundred for flour, which he bought out of the trustees' store- 
house in Savannah, which flour he believes cost the trustees' 
store-keeper no more than ten shillings per hundred, that 
being the common price in Carolina at that time. And 
further he saith, that he hath paid eight-pence per pound for 
New York or Rhode Island cheese, which he believes cost 
but five-pence per pound, or six-pence at the highest rate ; 
and he hath likewise paid four shillings per gallon for Madeira 
and Vidonia wines, which cost, to the best of his knowledge, 
not more than three shillings per gallon, that being the high- 



132 A Brief Account, ^c. 

est rate given for such wines in Georgia or Carolina, a great 
deal being bought much cheaper. And this deponent saith 
further, that those extraordinary prices exacted from the 
people for provisions, and all other necessaries, occasioned 
(by the trustees' store-keepers and their agents,) many and 
continual complaints from the whole inhabitants, for the space 
of six years and upwards, that this deponent lived in that 
province. And this deponent saith further, that to the best 
of his knowledge, he never bought any provisions from the 
store aforesaid, but a considerable advance was made on the 
same, generally not less than twenty-five per cent., neither 
doth he remember any other that ever did. 

Andrew Grant. 

Sworn at the public office, the 4th of January, 1742, before 
E. Saavyer. 



No. XVIII. 

From Savannah. 

Joseph Summers, late of Savannah town, in the province of 
Georgia, now of Mount Pleasant, in South CaroHna, planter, 
maketh oath, that in March, 1734, he became a freeholder 
in Georgia aforesaid, and continued there till February, 1738, 
at which time he came away, and left his property there by 
reason of the very unjust and bad treatment to the generality 
of the inhabitants and himself; that he was well acquainted 
with Capt. Joseph Watson, who he always thought to be a 
sober, honest gentleman, and no ways inclinable to lunacy ; 
he this deponent knew that the said Watson was settled, 
and kept a store with John Musgrove, at Yamacraw Bluff, 
whereon he had made great improvements, and also that he 
was in possession of lands at Grantham, whereon he had 
built a good house and several improvements. 

This deponent also was in court in November, 1734, 
when on the trial of the said Joseph Watson, Thomas Caus- 
ton (who acted as chief judge) came off the bench, to be- 
come an evidence against the said Watson, and treated him 
and the jury with very indecent language And this depo- 
nent well knows, and remembers, that the said Joseph Wat- 
son was kept in confinement under a strong guard for 



Appendix. 133 

upwards of two years, but the exact time this deponent 
cannot be certain to, not having kept any minutes of the 
same. 

This deponent further saith, that he has heard Mr. Thomas 
Causton, when sitting on the bench as judge, declare, that he 
had no business, nor would be governed by the laws of Eng- 
land ; but pulled out of his pocket a book, and said, " here 
are the laws of Georgia, which I have from Mr. Oglethorpe, 
by which you are to be governed," or words to that effect. 

And this deponent further saith, that he verily believes the 
said Captain Joseph Watson was a well-wisher, and would 
have been of great benefit to the Georgia colony, and doth 
not think he ever had any evil intention against it. 

Joseph Summers. 

Sworn at Beaufort, Port Royal, 
the 1st of March, 1739, before me, 
Thomas Wigg, /. Peace, 



To the Bailiff's and Recorder of the Toivn of Savannah in 
the Province of Georgia in America. 

The trustees very much approve of your conduct in Mr. 
Watson's last affairs, and will always support those who act 
with justice and intrepidity, in putting the laws in execu- 
tion, for the good of the province, and Mr. Causton acted 
very judiciously in regarding the general interest and safety, 
preferable to any private consideration, in justly confining 
one man rather than risking the safety of the whole. Mr. 
Watson's behavior has been so cruel, and has shown so 
much premeditated malice, that his destroying Skee with 
rum, and the bragging of it, appears to the trustees murder ; 
for killing a man upon a forethought, and with a malicious 
design by means of any dangerous liquor, is as much murder, 
as killing" him with any sort of weapon. But as the jury 
have brought him in lunatic, and therefore incapable of 
making his defence, the trustees direct that he shall be con- 
fined as a lunatic, and proper care taken for his recovery, 
until he shall be in a condition to take his trial ; for which 
trial, a special commission will be sent over; and you at your 
perils must take care that he shall be forthcoming, when such 
commission shall arrive ; and no other proceeding must be 



134 A Brief Account, ^c. 

had on his affair until the arrival of the said commission. 
The trustees are apt to impute the death of Skee (which 
has been a very great detriment to the province by the loss 
of so bold a warrior, who both had been, and would have 
continued of the utmost service, upon the Spanish frontiers,) 
to the consequence of too great a mildness, or rather injustice, 
in letting Mr. Watson go off with so slight a fine when he 
was first convicted for the assault on Esteeche. You know, 
that the Indians are very nice in point of honor, and that 
they are not to be insulted. Had Mr. Watson at that time 
been severely fined, and bound to his good behavior, it had 
very probably prevented him from running into those ex- 
travagances by which he lost his senses, and from commit- 
ting this murder ; and in the consequence thereof, had pre- 
vented Justus, the servant of Mr. Musgrove, from being 
killed. You see by this, a foolish tenderness is the greatest 
of cruelties ; it hath occasioned the death of two men, and 
if that kind of spirit continue of not punishing the guilty, 
you will destroy yourselves. It is very surprising to the 
trustees, that any magistrate could think of bailing a mur- 
derer, for murder is not bailable, and bailing of a lunatic is 
an act of lunacy ; for his distemper makes his confinement 
necessary to mankind. The new-started opinion, that it is 
cruel to imprison on account of an Indian, is itself very cruel 
and pernicious ; for if injustice is done to an Indian, the 
person who does it should be more severely punished, for 
doing it to one who is helpless, from his ignorance of our 
language ; and because it is a breach of treaty, and an act of 
ingratitude to the first possessors of our land, who have 
always been exceeding friendly, and kind to the colony in its 
first weakness and necessities. And as for the opinion that 
it is right, to let a guilty man go out of the province without 
punishment, that is giving up at once those valuable privi- 
leges of trying all facts committed in it, and declaring your- 
selves incapable of supporting a civil government. • If a man 
is guilty, you should punish him in the province, according to 
his deserts, and if he is not guilty, you should acquit him. 
But you have no such thing as a power of banishing a man 
from the colony, nor ought you to let a criminal escape to 
another colony in safety. The expenses arising by Mr. 
Watson's confinement, and also for the taking care of him 
and having a proper keeper to watch him, w ill be defrayed 



Appendix. 135 

by the storekeeper at Savannah, till such time as they can 
be defrayed out of his own estate, and he being a lunatic,* 
it is impossible for him to carry on the Indian trade, the 
trustees hereby recall his license, and continue the license to 
Mr. and Mrs. Musgrove. 

Signed by order of the Common Council of the trustees 
the r7th of March, 1734-5. 

Bejvjamin Martyn, Sec. 

Joseph Watson maketh oath, that the above is a true 
copy examined by himself with the original letter, 
which he, this deponent, sent to England by the 
Rev. Mr. John Wesley. 

Joseph Watson. 
Sworn April 10, 1740, before me, 

Thomas Dale. 



From Savannah. 

Savannah, Oct. 20, 1737. 
Whereas on this day a court was holden at Savannah, in 
the province of Georgia, by virtue of an order from the hon- 
orable the trustees, to pass sentence on Joseph Watson, 
gentleman, in pursuance of a verdict said to be given against 
him on November 20, 1734. And whereas the said Joseph 
Watson had a right, by the laws of England, to be heard as 
to what he could offer, why sentence should not be passed 
according to that verdict : this is to certify the honorable the 
trustees, that we, whose names are underwritten, were then 
present in the said court ; and that the said Joseph Watson 
then offered to prove by witnesses then in court, who were 
of the said jury, that the said verdict had never been given, 
and that the verdict delivered to the court on November 
20lii aforesaid, was written in these and no other words, 
" guilty of unguarded expressions." And we do further cer- 
tify, that the said court did absolutely refuse to permit those 
witnesses to give their evidence. Witness our hands. 

John Coates, Henry Garrat, bis 

Walter Fox, John Clark^ Hen. H Manly, 

John Lyndall, J. Fallowfield, mark 

* There are no less than eight affidavits from Georgia, besides living witnesses, to 
prove that he was not a lunatic. 



136 



A Brief Account, ^c. 



William Francis, ' 

Henry Lloyd, 

John Burton, 

Benj. Adams, 

John Wesley, min- 
ister of Savan- 
nah, 

George Row, 

Robert Potter, 

Robert Hows, 

Samuel Mercer, 

W. Brownjohn, 

Joseph Stanley, 

Richard Turner, 

James Mears, 



Will. Aglionby, 
Edward Bush, 
James Burnside, 
Is. King Clark, 
William Rigden, 
Richard Davis, 
John Smith, 

his 
Ja.y S. Smith. 

mark 
Ja. Cawpwell, 
George Buncle, 
Thomas Neale, 
William Elbert, 
James Carwele, 



Gilbert Becu, 
John Kellay, 
Joseph VVardrop, 
John Davis, 
VV. Wood rose. 
Will. Bradley, 
James Bland, 
Jacob Watts, 
David Snook, 
John Goldwire, 
Hump. Bright, 
Thomas Salter, 

his 
G. W Waterman, 
mark 



Georgia, Savannah, Sept. 12, 1737. 
We, whose names are underwritten, do assert, that being 
on the petty jury, Nov. 20, 1734, in Joseph Watson's cause, 
we brought by our foreman, (Elisha Dobree), our written 
verdict, "guilty of unguarded expressions;" what else was 
added was extorted by menaces from Thomas Causton, 
bailiif, and not assented to by us. Witness our hands. 

Jos. Stanley, John Clark, 

Walter Fox, R. Lobb. 



No. XIX. 
From Savannah. 



Thomas Neale, late of Savannah in Georgia, aged thirty- 
two years and upwards, maketh oath, and saith, that he lived 
in the colony four years and upwards, that holding a lot in 
right of Katrine his wife, late widow of Paul Amatis, who left 
a son about sixteen months old, who was heir to the said 
lot ; this deponent did on the decease of the said infant, ap- 
ply to General Oglethrope for a right to the said lot in his 
own name, which the said General complying with, he 
ordered Mr. John Fallowfield, first constable of Savannah, to 
give this deponent possession thereof; and the said Fallow- 
field, taking Joseph Fitzwalter, a landholder of Savannah, 
for a witness, did, in the year one thousand seven hundred 



Appendix. 137 

and thirty-eight, give this deponent possession of the said lot 
f ^- accordingly. That the said General did order William Ste- 
5j^ phens, Esq., secretary for the trustees' affairs in Georgia, to 
register it in this deponent's name. That being to clear the 
five acre lot belonging to the same within three years there- 
after, he agreed with a person to do so, upon consideration 
that this deponent should pay him ten pounds sterling for his 
labor, but not being able to get it done then, he did fully in- 
tend to clear it the next spring, being one thousand seven 
hundred and thirty-nine, had he not been dispossessed 
thereof by order of the said General: that he had fenced in 
the town lot, and built a good habitable hut on the back of 
the same, and made other improvements : that he intended 
to build a large house on the front : that he did both watch 
and ward, mustered, and attended the courts : that he paid 
arrears for guard duty for the said lot before he came to it : 
that, when he was out of the province, Joseph Stanley un- 
dertook to do the said duty, for which this deponent paid the 
said Stanley : that he never heard any complaint made of 
neglect, but has been well informed that the said Stanley was 
punctual in so doing. That soon after he had possession 
given him in his own name, he put the widow Hughes into 
the said hut which he had built. That the said widow leav- 
ing the colony, he did then leave Mr. Martin in it, who had 
cohabited with her in possession thereof, and did agree with 
him that he might live in the said hut, upon condition that 
he looked after it, and took care of it in his absence, and 
hkewise did guard duty for the same : but that after some 
months absence, having been sick in Carolina, where he 
went to buy provisions for the colony, he did, on his return 
to Savannah, find the said Martin, the tenant, turned out, 
and Peter Jermain in the possession of the whole ; and that 
the said Jermain had put in a tenant of his own. That he 
was then informed by Mr. Samuel Mercer, constable, and 
others of Savannah, that he, the said Mercer, had given the 
said Jermain possession of the said lot, in the manner that 
possession had been given to this deponent by Mr. Fallow- 
field aforesaid ; and that he did so by order of the said Gen- 
eral. That he instantly applied to Mr. Henry Parker, and 
the other magistrates, for recovery of the said lot ; when 
they told him it was not in their power to help him. That 
in March last he made a demand of the same from the said 

VOL. II. 18 



138 A Brief Account, ^c. 

General, who only told him, that he ought to be there him- 
self, when the said Jermain was put in possession. That he 
had not deserted the colony, though he was obliged to go to 
Carolina and trade betwixt the two provinces, or do any 
thing for an honest livelihood, not being able to support him- 
self by cultivation under the restrictions in Georgia, which 
have been too severely felt by people in general, as he can 
witness. And farther this deponent saith not. 

Sworn to before Thomas Wigg, one of his majesty's 
justices assigned to keep the peace, in Granville 
County, South Carolina, this 26th day of January, 
1741-2. Tho. Wigg. 



No. 3. South. 
SAMUEL DAVISON. 
J. O. 



Mr. Bromfield to put Mr. Amatis into Home's lot, which 
is forfeited. J. Oglethorpe. 

The lot, late William Home's, is now granted to Paul 
Amatis, by order of James Oglethorpe, Esq. 

The house lot in Jekyll Tithing, Derby Ward, No. 4. 

The garden lies south-east from the town. No. 59. 

The farm is in the same ward and tithing of farms, No. 
5, letter B. 

Witness, John Brownfield, Register, 

Savannah, June the 16th, 1736. 



No. XX. 

Joseph Watson, late of Grantham, bailiif, in the province 
of Georgia, aged forty years and upwards, maketh oath and 
saith, that in the year seventeen hundred thirty-four, he 
bought some cheese from the store-house, commonly called 
the Trustees' Store, in the town of Savannah, in the said 
province. That he was charged in his account with the 



Appendix. 139 

trustees for establishing the said colony, one shilling sterling 
per pound for the said cheese. That he believes it was 
what in London is commonly called Cheshire cheese. That 
the inhabitants in general in the said town and neighborhood 
thereof, often complained that they paid the same price for 
the same sort of cheese ; and that the said inhabitants did 
complain continually, that high prices were advanced on all 
sorts of provisions, and other necessaries, sold at the said 
store. And farther this deponent does not say. 

Joseph Watsoj^. 

Sworn at the Public Office, 31st December, 
1742, before R. Edward. 



No. XXI. 

Sarah Turner, late of the colony of Georgia, maketh oath 
and saith, that she arrived at Savannah, in the said province, 
in December 1733, with her husband Richard Turner, where 
she resided till March, 1739-40. 

That from the time of her arrival, to June 1738, Mr. 
Thomas Causton, late magistrate, store-keeper and cashier 
to the trustees for Georgia, had the sole disposal of the shop, 
commonly called the Trustees' Store ; where was always 
kept a large supply of all provisions, clothing, working tools, 
and other necessaries. That she has heard and doubts not, 
but that cheese has been sold from the said store, for one 
shilling by the pound ; that she has herself bought Cheshire 
cheese (as she thinks it) of the said Causton's wife, (who 
kept a chandler's shop, which was generally thought, and she 
has great reason to believe, was supplied with goods out of 
the said store) for which she paid at the same time, in paper 
money of South Carolina, after the rate of eight-pence ster- 
ling per pound: that neither her husband (as she knows of) 
nor herself, did ever receive any part or share of the presents 
of cattle, provisions, &c. made to the first settlers of Georgia, 
by the provinces of South Carolina, Pennsylvania, &c. That 
neither she or her husband (as she ever knew of) did ever 
receive a cow or sow, as promised to the said settlers by the 
trustees : that she has heard frequent complaints among the 
first settlers (to whom such presents were said to be made) 
that they were made to pay for the same, as well as all other 



140 A Brief Account^ ^c. 

sorts of provisions and necessaries received at the hands or 
by the order of the said Causton ; and that they paid most 
extravagant prices for the same. 

That on the removal of the said Causton, Mr. Thomas 
Jones was first made store-keeper, and then magistrate ; 
which gave him an opportunity of exercising crueUies on the 
people, as Causton had done, and which were complained 
of by the people. That she has heard that the said Jones 
would allow one Parker, and other poor people, made ma- 
gistrates by the trustees, no provisions, whenever they differed 
in opinion with him, in a case of justice ; and he also sold all 
sorts of provisions from the said store at extravagant prices ; 
that he would not pay laborers, and others employed in the 
public service, in money, but in provisions at a dear rate. 
That John Graham having sawed some boards, the said 
Jones would pay him in provisions only, which were not only 
dear, but unwholesome ; and that she saw stinking flour 
which was damaged, being black and full of grubs, that had 
been delivered to others, for which they paid ten shillings 
per hundred pound ; the price of the best flour being com- 
monly about ten shillings in the merchants' ware-houses. 

That on her leaving the province in March, 1739, the 
people in general were complaining as much of the cruel 
usage of the said Jones, as before they had been of the said 
Causton's ; and further this deponent saith not. 

Sarah Turner. 

Sworn the 6th day of January, 1742, 
in Lincoln's-Inn, before 

E. Sawyer. 



No. XXII. 
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Lobb. 

Chelmsford, Dec. 1, 1742. 

Sir. I send you a list of some goods, with the prices we 
were charged at the trustees' store-house in Savannah. 

Coarse blue Duffles, at 45. per yard. 
Cheese, 8d. per pound. 
Molasses, 25. per gallon. 



Appendix. 141 

Beef, at 2d. per pound. 
Biscuit, at 2d. per pound. 
Osneburgs, at lOd. per yard. 
Rice, 3/.* currency per cent. 

These prices are what I can prove by their bills. Beef 
about that time, viz., 1736, I bought in Charleston, the very 
best the market afforded, at 9d.f their currency per pound ; 
biscuit much about the same difference ; and osneburgs at 
the meanest retailers in Charleston, might be bought at 8c?. 
or under ; the blue duffles, I am informed, I might have for 
almost half price in Charleston. I am, sir, 

Your humble servant, 

R. LOBB. 



No. XXIII. 

Extract of a Representation of the Grand Jury of Savannah, 
to the Honorable the Trustees. 

That the said Thomas Causton, by his office of store- 
keeper, hath the dangerous power in his hands, of alluring 
weak-minded people, to comply with unjust measures ; and 
also overawing others, from making just complaints and rep- 
resentations to your honors ; and the known implacability of 
the said Causton, and his frequent threatening of such people, 
is to many weak-minded, though well-disposed persons, a 
strong bulwark against their seeking redress, by making 
proper complaints and just representations to you, their ben- 
efactors, patrons and protectors. 

That the said Causton has made great advancements on 
provisions and goods sold out of the trustees' store, to the 
inhabitants, contrary to Mr. Oglethorpe's promise when he 
first settled this colony ; and contrary, as we apprehend, to 
your honors' good intentions, and greatly detrimental to the 
prosperity of the colony ; and that he hath refused to pay 
the public debts, otherwise than in provisions at those dear 
rates, and sometimes bad and unwholesome, out of the 

* Seven shillings and six-pence sterling ; prime cost about five shillings. 
t One penny and one-eighth sterling. 



142 A Brief Account, ^c. 

public store, whereby the inhabitants were greatly distressed, 
and some have been obliged to leave the province. 

In witness, &c. This first day of September, 1737. 

Signed by the whole grand jury of forty-four persons. 



No. XXIV. 

A Representation from the Grand Jury to the Court of 

Savannah. 

Savannah, May 20, 1742. 

The grand jury impanelled the 18th of this instant May, 
for the town and county of Savannah, humbly beg leave to 
offer the following reasons to this court, why they think 
themselves obliged to present Mr. Thomas Jones, the second 
bailiff of this town and county, and to examine witnesses 
duly sworn thereon. 

Imprimis. That in pursuance of the oath, which they, as 
grand jurors, have solemnly taken, they are obliged to pre- 
sent all such matters and things as shall come before them, 
and that they shall leave no one person unpresented, through 
fear, favor, or affection. 

2iUij. That the matter of complaint against the said Mr. 
Thomas Jones, now before them, is (as they humbly con- 
ceive,) a crime of a very heinous nature, and (if not duly in- 
quired into by them,) may be attended with very bad conse- 
quence, highly detrimental to the liberties and properties of 
his Majesty's liege people, inhabiting this colony. 

Sdly. We humbly are of opinion, that the president and 
assistants taking cognizance of any crime or misdemeanor, 
and representing the same to the honorable the trustees, can- 
not discharge the grand jury from making due inquiry into 
such matters and things as shall come before them, notwith- 
' standing the said president and assistants have cognizance 
thereof; for if such things should be once allowed, we 
humbly are of opinion the course of justice would be diverted 
from its usual channel, and thereby render grand and petty 
juries entirely useless, contrary, as we humbly conceive, to 
the rights and privileges of our mother country. 

4thl}j. We humbly are of opinion, that the court refusing 



Appendix. 143 

to swear such evidence, as the grand jury shall offer, in 
order to their further inquiry into such matters and things, as 
are lying before them, will prevent them discharging that 
duty incumbent on them by their oath ; whereby the greater 
offenders may escape the punishment due to their offences. 

5thly. We humbly are of opinion, that if the matter now 
before us relating to Mr. Thomas Jones be put off' till the 
next court, no witnesses being examined upon oath thereon, 
some unforeseen accident (as the death or absence of one, 
perhaps the chief evidence,) may happen, whereby a 
thorough inquiry into that matter by the next grand jury 
may be rendered ineffectual. 

Lastly. We humbly beg leave of this court (if the afore- 
said reasons shall not be allowed sufficient,) that it may be 
recorded, and laid before the honorable the trustees. 

Samuel Mercer, Foreman. James Dormer, 

Thomas Salter, John Brownfield, 

John Wright, James Burnsides, 

John Sellie, Peter Morell, 

Thomas Bailie, Edward Bush, 

James Billou, William Woodrooffe, 

William Mears, James Carweles, 

John Lyndale, James Papott. 
John Penrose, 



No. XXV. 

Extract of a Letter from Mr. William Eiven to Mr. Thomas 

Stephens. 

Savanivah, May 23, 1742. 
Mr. Thomas Jones was at the southward when he was 
indicted by the grand jury, and on the 3d of this instant 
there was a court to be holden at Savannah, and Mr. Jones 
came, in order to have taken his place on the bench ; which 
thing would have been objected against by all the people in 
the town ; neither would any* man serve as grand or petty 
jurors while Mr. Jones sat on the bench, till he had first 

* Three persons were sent to jail for refusing to act on the grand jury while Jones 
sat on the bench without taking his trial, and were fined I2s. Ad. each. 



144 A Brief Account, ^c. 

taken his trial, and cleared himself of the charge laid against 
him. Mr. Jones told the General that there were Spanish 
emissaries at Savannah, and that he went in danger of his 
life. This was done under a false color, in order to intro- 
duce soldiers into the town and enslave the people. General 
Oglethorpe, in order to protect the civil power, (though the 
magistrates and other officers here, knew nothing of the 
matter, nor that there was any such occasion,) sent Lieuten- 
ant Hugh M'Kay, Anthony Willy, and William Finley with 
Mr. Jones. Lieutenant Hugh M'Kay had orders in writing, 
signed by the General, for to protect the civil power; and, 
for his assistants, he was to take all the forces that were at 
fort Argyle, Captain Matthews, and what men he had with 
him at Savannah ; Captain Wiggan at Palachocolas, and his 
men, and if these were not sufficient, for to send to fort 
Frederick at Beaufort, to fetch Lieutenant Sterling and all 
the men under his command. I need not mention to you 
what concern the inhabitants were under, to find their liber- 
ties so closely attacked ; it was reported that these forces 
were to assist Mr. Jones for to sit on the bench ; but Mr. 
Parker and Mr. Fallowfield, in order to prevent any noise or 
disturbance, adjourned the court to the 17th following. Mr. 
Jones then went back to Frederica, and told Colonel Ste- 
phens that the General and himself would be at Savannah 
before the court sat again. 



No. XXVL 

From Savannah. 

The deposition of John Pye, recorder of the tow^n of Sa- 
vannah in Georgia, who being duly sworn, saith, that on 
Thursday, the tenth day of July, 1741, he, this deponent, 
was at the house of Colonel Stephens, secretary to the hon- 
orable theMrustees for the establishment of this colony, Mr. 
Henry Parker, first bailiff of the said town being then present, 
the said Parker did say to Mr. Thomas Jones, another of the 
bailiffs, then also in company, that he (the said Henry Par- 
ker) understood that the grand jury (who were then sitting) 
were about to present the representation of the state of this 



iki^' 



Appendix. 145 

colony, sent home to the trustees by them, some time in the 
month of December last : and this deponent further saith, 
that Mr. Thomas Jones said to Henry Parker, that the said 
grand jury ought by all means to be discharged ; and the 
said Henry Parker replied to the said Jones, that the said 
grand jury had already concerned themselves in things they 
had nothing to do with, or words to that effect; and there- 
upon the said Henry Parker consented to discharge the said 
grand jury : and this deponent further saith, that the mem- 
bers of the said grand jury were men of the best circumstan- 
ces, characters, and fortune, that could be found within this 
county of Savannah, and summoned by virtue of a warrant 
for that purpose, issued by the said Henry Parker, and Mr. 
John Fallowfield, two of the bailiifs, in which said warrant 
the names of the said grand jurymen were expressly men- 
tioned, and further this deponent saith not. 

John Pye. 

Sworn before me this 24th day of July, 1741. 
John Fallowfield. 




No. XXVII. 

Extract of a letter from Mr. Patrick M^Kay, to Mr. Thomas 
Stephens, December, 1741. 

Sir, — Of the state. of Ebenezer, it is my opinion they 
scarcely raise provisions to supply their own necessities and 
wants, were they not supported by the charities of the pious 
in Europe : it confirms me much in this opinion, that Mr. 
Boltzius, even in May last, asked to buy corn and rice of 
me; which, as I had not to spare, he commissioned me to 
byy for him at Charleston, for the supply of Ebenezer; 
though Gen. Oglethrope told me in February preceding, that 
Mr. Boltzius had sent him fine Indian corn flour, and told 
his Excellency that he would supply his regiment with what 
quantities he pleased; and withal, that he thanked God he 
could now subsist five hundred more of his brethren, if they 
should be imported into Georgia. I mentioned this to Mr. 
Boltzius, when he wanted to buy corn and rice of me, but 
he absolutely denied that he had ever said or wrote so to the 

VOL. II. 19 



146 A Brief Account, ^c. 

General Whether the General or the parson is to be believ- 
ed, I leave it with you to determine. 

You have yourself seen most of the settlements in Geor- 
gia this year, and what great matters are done there ; in a 
word, laying aside Augusta, where planting is carried on by 
negroes, I dare affirm 1 have raised more provisions on my 
plantation in the township of Purysburg, with twenty slaves 
only, than all the colony of Georgia has done ; including 
Ebenezer and the General's own farm, which, after an ex- 
pense (as I am told) of sixty or seventy pounds sterling, re- 
turned him ten or fifteen bushels of corn, no pease or potatoes. 
I am, sir, your very humble servant, 

Patrick Mackay. 



No. XXVIII. 

Charleston, South Carolina, Oct. 12, 1741. 

Dear Brother, — 1 take this opportunity of acquainting 
you that 1 have left Georgia, and come to Charleston, South 
Carolina, where I am settled in my own business. I have 
been here about four months, and (I thank God) am got into 
very good trade. 

Georgia is very much deviated from what it was when I 
first went there, especially in the government of affairs. I 
have told you that at my first arrival I was appointed a ma- 
gistrate, in which office I continued till it was a crime to do 
justice ; upon which, I begged leave of our General to be ex- 
cused, for that I would act no more, since to act according 
to my oath and conscience was displeasing to him ; upon 
which he made one of his waiting boys a magistrate in my 
stead ; a boy that was not nineteen years of age : after 
which the General turned my utter enemy, hindering me, in 
every shape, of getting my livelihood, which he has not only 
done by me but by all those who will not consent to wash 
their hands in such water as he thinks proper. 1 left 
but two people behind me that were of my disposition, and 
they are both coming away, and then, at Frederica, they will 
be like my Lord Thomound's cocks. In short, his magis- 
trates durst not decide a cause without first going to him to 
ask which party is to suffer ; and those that happen to be 






Appendix. 147 

most in his favor at that time, are sure to get the better on it, 
right or wrong. There is also a set of people now left, that, 
if any paper is drawn up, and contains the greatest of falsi- 
ties, (in order to keep still in darkness the parliament, the 
trustees, and the people of England) are all ready to sign, 
nay even to make oath to the truth of it; and those that 
cannot digest those hard pills, must not stay there. 

I have also an account of one hundred thirty-nine pounds 
sterling, which, when settled, there will be due to me be- 
tween ninety and one hundred pounds. "He swore the 
account should not be settled, neither would he ever pay me 
a farthing." But I intend to send my case home by a gen- 
tleman who is now gathering up the true state of Georgia 
(much against his Excellency's inclinations), in order to lay 
it before this next sitting of the parliament, who, the whole 
colony expects, will relieve them from tyranny and oppres- 
sion, and arbitrary government, which is too much practised 
there, and consequently very disagreeable to so young a set- 
tlement. However strange these things may appear to you 
people of England, I do assure you they are nothing but 
truth. Nay, a whole volume might be filled with worse re- 
lations of that place than I have mentioned ; which made me 
think sometimes we had lost our way, and come to the 
wrong Georgia, and had not got to that fine place so much 
talked of in England some years ago. Neither law nor gos- 
pel find any encouragement there ; our minister (who is a 
very worthy gentleman), was obliged, (through ill treatment 
from the General), to leave the place, and return home. You 
may perhaps wonder why I did not give you so just an ac- 
count of these proceedings before ; the answer to which is, 
that it is too common a practice to open all letters that are 
sent from thence ; and such as speak well of the place may 
perhaps get a passage according to their superscriptions, and 
those that speak ill of the place are committed to the mercy 
of the flames. What emboldens me now to speak the truth 
is my being arrived in a land of liberty; but there (if it 
please God to keep me in my right senses) they never shall 
get me again, unless there is an alteration in the government, 
not even to view of my estate, which is now let for fifteen 
pounds a year sterling. When I left England, I intended 
(if it pleased God) to have returned in ten years; but mak- 
ing my first voyage to the mistaken Georgia, where I lost a 



148 A Brief Account, ^c. 

good part of the time, I believe I must intrude upon your 
patience two or three years longer, in order to retrieve the 
lost time before-mentioned. 

Your ever loving brother, 

Samuel Perkins. 



No. XXIX. 
Extract of a letter from General Ogleihorpe^s Secretary. 

Frederica, Sept. 13, 1741. 

Dear Sam, — I would have wrote to you by Lullams, had 
I not at that time been very busy in writing letters for the 
General, which I am determined never to do again, unless he 
will pay me a pretty sum of money, which, last night 1 wrote 
to him for; and to which I have not yet received any an- 
swer. I am tired of this way of living ; and am only em- 
ployed when his other secretaries* are ill, which often hap- 
pens after their frequent debauches. 

I am weary of this cursed place, and will endeavor to get 
out of it as soon as I can, for it looks as though I was marked 
out for a sacrifice, in not being able to receive a farthing of 
my salary, when there is so much due to me. 

Every thing here goes on as usual, that is to say, with the 
utmost confusion. The other day, whilst the General was 
gone on a cruise, I happened to hear one of our worthy jus- 
tices! cursing and swearing "that the General had used him 
ill, and that unless he would recall some words, which he 
had publicly spoken, he never more would be a tool to him 
as he had been, in receiving instructions privatel}^, how to 
behave with regard to the unhappy Mrs. Norbury in particu- 
lar, and then publicly denying that the General knew any 
thing of their proceedings, but that they went according to 
law and their own reason." He also came over to a great 
many people who were with Davidson in his bed stable,!}: 
and seeing the constable there, he ordered him to bring no 
more affairs before him as a justice, for that he would act no 
more ; and accordingly the constable gave him no more trou- 

* Marriott, whom the General lately made magistrate. 
t Dr. Hawkins. t See No. IV. 



Appendix. 149 

ble, but carried all affairs before Mr. Marriott. When the 
General returned to Frederica, the justice returned to his 
duty; in which he and his wife have been very assiduous, 
insomuch that they caused a negro on board Mrs. Wood's 
schooner tCM^e seized, which was accordingly done. That 
occasioned two of Mr. Jenys's also to be seized, as would a 
girl also of Mrs. Lyford's, who was too cunning for them, 
and had sent it away. However a petty (pretty) sessions 
was held, when the masters of Jenys's and Mrs. Wood's 
boats having sworn, that they would not have brought any 
negro, could they have got white men to hire ; and also, that 
they would not have been in this province at the time the 
negroes were seized, had it not been for a violent storm or 
hurricane, that we have lately had ; and producing their 
clearances, Jenys's signed by Patterson, and Mrs. Wood's 
by his excellency, they thereupon in form, cleared the ne- 
groes under their handwriting. However, it was reported, 
that the slave on board Mrs. Wood, was not Colonel Flow- 
ers's, as had been sworn to, but belonged to Mr . Wood, 
and by her hired for the service of the schooner ; upon which 
another warrant was issued by the triumvirate,* (after a long 
advice given by the dictator) to take up the negro on board 
Mrs. Wood, under a pretence, that he was cleared by a 
wrong name: He is now in our guard-house,t and next 
week, I believe, will be sold at vendue ; notwithstanding 
Captain Lyford, and some other persons, will swear that the 
said negro was employed not long since, (for some months 
on board the same boat, and by the said name that he always 
went) in going up and down the river for oyster shells, for 
tappy-work. 

Thus stands the case with Mrs. Wood and our civil power, 
whose character is already known so well abroad, that every 
one almost is afraid to come near us ; and we, who are on 
the spot, want to be out of the reach of it. Last time Mrs. 
Wood was here, she had a servant (Willy Cormach) taken 
from her in a more unjust manner (if possible) than her ne- 
gro was this voyage. I hope this and several other instances 
of the usage of Georgia will not escape young Stephens, 
who, if he has authority, will, I dare say, not want matter 

* The three magistrates. t The soldier's jjuard. 



m^^ 



150 A Brief Account, 8fc. 

of fact to be laid before him. You, to be sure, will quietly 
sit down, and not speak a word against this place! How 
ungrateful must you be, if you are not sensible of the good 
usage you received here ? Mr. Davidson is now sending 
his family to Port Royal, along with Mrs. Wood^ as he de- 
signs to follow, I will not trouble you with an imperfect ac- 
count of the cause of his so sudden departure, when you will 
soon have the satisfaction of hearing it from his own mouth ; 
I will only say, that " his case is a perfect Georgian ; " and 
will, I hope, come under the cognizance of Mr. Stephens, to 
whom I cannot give my reasons for leaving the colony ; but 
should be very glad to acquaint him with the reasons, of my 
design to get out of this destructive place as soon as I can. 
It. is currently reported here (and I know part of it to be 
true) that one or two children have died here for want of 
medicines, which were refused them ; and Mrs. Hawkins 
ordered her husband's mates, at their peril, not to deliver a 
bit out of the chest. If that W — n is to be punished in this 
world, for her wickness, how dreadful will the example be? 
I grow sick with the thoughts of her, and must therefore 
conclude, desiring your frequent correspondence, than which 
nothing can be more agreeable to, dear Sam, 

Thy trusty friend, well-wisher, and faithful humble servant, 

F. Moore. 

To Mr. Samuel Perkins. 



No. XXX. 

A Letter from the Magistrates of Frederica to the Command- 
ing Officer at the Camp^ on St. Simonds. 

Frederica, May 5, 1740. 
Sir, — The reason of our troubling you is this. Jonathan 
Edge, having been this day convicted of breaking the king's 
stores, breaking open a lock of a tiunk, and stealing £\7 in 
money ; and having received sentence of death for the same ; 
and we having no place proper for the confinement of a per- 
son in his condition, beg leave to desire your help, in order- 
ing him to be taken due care of, (so as he might not escape) 



Appendix. 151 

until such time as the General is pleased to order him to be 

executed. 

We are, sir, your obedient humble servants, 

Samuel Perkins, 



Francis Moore. 



To the officer commanding General 
Oglethorpe's Regimental St. Simonds. 



No. XXXI. 

Sir, — Jonathan Edge was lately executed here, for break- 
ing open and robbing of John Dick's house. He confessed 
the fact, and was very sorry that he should come to so un- 
happy an end. I am sorry to tell you, that he declared at 
the same time, that "if the General had paid him what he 
owed him, he should have had no occasion for to have done 
it." Whether this is true or not, that the General owed him 
*»r*the money, I can say, that I heard the rest of those that 
were employed with him at the same time, complain of their 
not being paid. From your assured friend, 

Joseph Cannon. 

Frederica, September the Sth, 1740. 

To Mr. Henry Buckley, in Carolina. 



No. XXXII. 

Extract of a Letter from Mr. William Eiven,* to Mr. 
Thomas Stephens. 

Grange, Aug. 21, 1742. 
Sir, — I shall give you an account of the present deplora- 
ble state of Savannah ; every one was in the utmost confu- 
sion, for to carry his wife, family and goods out of the town ; 
some to Ebenezer, some to Abercorn, some to Purysburg, 
and some to Captain Mackay's plantation. Our council did 
not talk of fighting, neither did they take one step for the 
defence of the place ; but on the contrary, had concluded, 

* One of the correspondents appointed by the people. 



152 A Brief Account, ^c. 

when they heard the Spaniards were coming, for to have 
tumbled the great guns into the river, and then to have gone 
away on horseback. They kej)t their horses ready bridled 
and saddled all the time. Mr. Boltzius offered his people to 
come down, which if they had, and joined the English and 
Dutch that were in Savannah, they would have made about 
two hundred men ; who, under the conduct of a good com- 
mander, might have repulsed six or seven hundred of the 
enemy, if any had come. They were so far from defending 
the town, that in the midst of the alarm, there was no guard 
kept for two nights. What little substance the people had, 
is now exhausted ; nor is there any business going on, either 
public or private ; so that the people are now in a very low 
state ; many of them are dead, and more, f am apt to think, 
will die, for several people are now dangerously ill. Mr. Fal- 
lowfield, Mr. Ormston, Mr. Penrose, Mr. Townsend, Mr. 
Elbert, and several others, including men, women and child- 
ren, to the number of thirty-five persons, have already left 
the colony, besides several of the Dutch ; many others are 
also intending to go very soon. Sir, 

Your most humble servant, , J"^; 

William Ewen. ,^* 



i 



No. XXXIII. 

Sir, — ^ We should be wanting in point of gratitude did we 
not, in behalf of those we* represent, as w^ell as of ourselves, 
thankfully acknowledge your unwearied endeavors for the 
public welfare of those who can no other way repay you 
than by putting up their prayers to the Almighty, to reward 
and bless you in all your generous undertakings in their be- 
half; and though our circumstances are such as give us little 
hopes of staying here to see the accomplishment of your 
negotiations ; yet it is our earnest request that you still con- 
tinue to solicit our affairs in such a manner as (with the 
blessing of the Almighty,) may be the means of settling this 
unhappy colony upon a firm and lasting basis, which will 

* 1 hese gentlemen are three of the correspondents appointed by the people. 



Appendix. 153 

transmit your name to posterity, as the restorer of civil rights 
and privileges, and thereby render your name ever dear. 

Whatever you may think necessary to be done in our be- 
half, we must leave to your discretion, hoping you will do 
nothing therein but what is consistent with your character as 
our agent. We are, sir, 

Your most humble servants, 

William Woodrooffe, 
William Ewen, 
John Lyjvdall. 

Savannah, 21st August, 1742. 

To Mr. Thomas Stephens. 



No. XXXIV. 

Appointment for an Agent on Behalf of the People of 

Georgia. 

Georgia. 

At a meeting of Landholders, Settlers, and Inhabitants at 
Savannah, the seventh day of October, in the fifteenth 
year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord, George the 
Second, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, 
and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, ^-c, Anno- 
que Domini, one thousand seven hundred and forty -one. 

Whereas many of his Majesty's subjects, who are settled 
in, and are belonging to the province of Georgia, have, as 
well singly as in joint numbers, from time to time presented 
to the trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia, divers 
remonstrances, representations, and petitions, with repeated 
complaints of grievances which have never been effectually 
redressed. And whereas, for want of timely remedies to the 
evils set forth in the said representations, &c., being applied, 
the said province is greatly deserted by many of her inhab- 
itants, by reason of the restrictions that render them wholly 
incapable of raising provisions for their support ; and whereby 
those who still remain in the said province are unable to 
subsist themselves and families by cultivation, as are some of 
them barely in any shape ; — We, whose names are hereunto 
subscribed, being settlers and inhabitants of the said province, 

VOL. II. 20 



154 A Brief Account, ^c. 

are unanimously of opinion, that, in order to the effectually 
settling and establishing the said province, and to remove all 
those grievances and hardships we now labor under, it is ex- 
pedient for us to appoint an agent for representing, transact- 
ing and soliciting in Great Britain those affairs of so great 
importance. Wherefore, Mr. Thomas Stephens being thought 
by us to be a person fitly qualified for the said purpose, in 
behalf of ourselves, and many others of his Majesty's poor 
distressed subjects, now residing in, and belonging to the 
said province, we do hereby constitute and appoint the said 
Thomas Stephens. And he is hereby nominated and de- 
clared agent, to represent and transact the affairs aforesaid. 
And further, it being necessary that we, the said inhabitants, 
or some of us do correspond with the said Thomas Stephens, 
we do, in behalf of ourselves and others aforesaid, hereby 
nominate and appoint William Woodrooffe, Thomas Ormston, 
Peter Morell, John Lyndall, and William Ewen, or any three 
of them, to correspond with the said agent ; and he is hereby 
impowered and authorized to pursue such instructions as he 
shall from time to time receive from the said persons, hereby 
appointed to correspond with him in relation to the complaints 
of grievances of the people in the aforesaid colony of 
Georgia; and this appointment to remain in full force and 
virtue during the pleasure of the said inhabitants. Given 
under our liands, at Savannah, the day and year above 
written. 

Signed by landholders, 123 

Letters from those absent at the time, 18 

141 



Instructions to Mr. Thomas Stephens, Agent for the People 
of Georgia in America. 

We do, in behalf of ourselves and the rest of his Majesty's 
subjects, who have setded in this province, request and de- 
sire that you', Mr. Thomas Stephens, will, on your arrival in 
England, apply, petition, and solicit for redress of grievances, 
in such manner as you shall think most advisable, (applica- 



Appendix. 1 55 

tion to the trustees only excepted,) and in particular for ob- 
taining the following articles, which we apprehend to be 
necessary in order for the more effectually establishing this 
province ; and which the charter granted by his Majesty to 
the trustees impowers them to give us, viz. : 

That a regular government be established in Georgia, as 
in others of his Majesty's provinces in America. 

That upon consideration, that Georgia is intended as a 
barrier to South Carolina, all grants of lands be at least as 
extensive, and not inferior in any respect to those of that 
province. 

That the quit-rents in Georgia be not greater than in 
others of his Majesty's provinces, the land being in no kind 
better than in South CaroUna. 

That the use of negroes, under such restrictions as shall 
be thought proper, be allowed for cultivating our lands. 

That encouragement be given for the making pot-ash, 
silk, wine, oil, indigo, hemp, flax, or other commodities that 
might be raised in Georgia, in America, and greatly increase 
the trade and navigation of Great Britain. 

That, if you should not obtain such an alteration in the 
constitution, as shall enable the inhabitants to support them- 
selves by cultivation, to pray, " that the money, which may 
hereafter be granted for the use of the colony, may be ap- 
plied for removing them to some other part of his Majesty's 
dominions, where they may be able to support themselves 
and families, and be of use to the public, instead of a bur- 
then to it, as they are now." 

William Woodrooffe, 
Thomas Ormston, 
Peter Morell, 
William Ewejv, 
John Lyndall. 

Savannah, 27th Oct., 1741. 



No. XXXV. 

A List of Complainants, ivho are styled a few Clamorous 

Malecontents. 

A. Thomas Andrews, 

John Amory, Thomas Atwell, 

Benjam.in Adams, Thomas Anlrobus, 



156 



A Brief Account, ^c. 



James Anderson, 
Gasper Aughester, 
Hugh Anderson. 

B. 

John Brownfield, 
John Burton, 
Charles Britain, 
James Burnside, 
' Francis Brooks, 
Matthew Bright, 
Robert Bradley, 
William Bradley, 
Mich. Burghalter, sen. 
James Bland, 
William Barbo, 
Peter Baillou, 
Edward Bush, 
Giles Becu, 
James Baillou, 
George Buncle, 
Peter Beller, 
Michael Burghalter, 
Thomas Bailey, 
Andrew Bell, 
Thomas Baillie, 
Harry Buckley, 
John Brown, 
William Blechman, 
Ambrose Barr, 
Thomas Bicher. 



Tho. Christie, Recorder, 
John Clark. 

D. 
James Dormer, 
John Desborough, 
Richard Davis, 
John Desborugh, jun, 
Francis Dalgrass, 
Edward Desborough, 
Andrew Duche, 
Thomas Dawson, 
James Dodds, 
John Dudding, 
David Douglass, 
Samuel Davison, 
William Davy, 
James Dean, 
Ph. Delegal, jun. 
Edward Davison, 
James Dodds, 
Christian Dasher. 

E. 

William Elbert, 
Thomas Eggerton, 
John Evans, 
William Ewen, 
Thomas Ellis, 
Peter Emery, 
William Evans. 



WiUim Calvert, 
William Carter, 
James Carwels, 
Thomas Cross, 
William Colthred, 
John Clarke, sen. 
Philip Courtney, 
John Cundale, 
William Cooksey, 
Isaac King Clark, 
James CoUyer Collins, 
James Campell, 
Jacob Curl, 
Anthony Camuse, 
Thomas Clyatt, 
Joseph Cannon, 
James Corneck, 
John Cuthbert, 
Isaac Coin, 



F. 

Hugh Frazer, 

Joseph Fitzwalter, 

Henry Fletcher, 

William Francis, 

John Fa\\owirie\<i, Magistrate, 

Walter Fox, 

Elisha Foster, 

Thomas Fraser, 

John Foulds. 

G. 

Robert Gilbert, Magistrate, 
Peter Gordon, Magistrate, 
Patrick Grhame, 
John Grhame, 
David Guinder, 
William Greenfield, 
Christopher Greenfield, 
James Gallway, 



Appendix. 



157 



Archibald Glen, 
Michael Germain, 
James Gould, 
John Grinter, 
George Gorsand, 
Thomas Ganilett, 
Samuel Goff, 
William Grickson, 
Henry Green, 
Charles Grimaldi, 
Andrew Grant, 
John Goldwire. 

H. 

Robert Howes, 
Samuel Holmes, 
James Haslefoot, 
Theop. Helherington, 
Robert Hainkes, 
John Hetrinmani, 
James Houston, 
Gasper Herbough, 
Jacob Herbough. 



James Jeansack, 
Peter Joubert, 
Ldward Jenkins, 
Edward Jenkins, jun. 

K. 

John Kelly, 
William Kennedy. 



Samuel Lacey, 
Richard Lobb, 
Richard Lawley, 
Henry Lloyd, 
John Lyndall, 
James Landree, 
Samuel Lyon, 
John Landry, 
Thomas Lee, 
Adrian Loyer, 
Adrian Loyer, jun. 

M. 
Samuel Mercer, 
Stephen Marrauld, 
Henry Manley, 
Stephen Mountford, 
Thomas Mellichamp, 



John M'Donald, 

Peter M'Kay, 

Benjamin M'Intosh, 

John M'Intosh, 

Daniel M'Kay, 

James Mure, 

John Miller, 

Anthony M'Brid, 

Jacob Matthews, 

Henry Moulton, 

Peter Maillier, 

William Meers, 

Farguhar M'Guilvery, 

Peter Morell, 

Richard Mellichamp, 

Thomas Morris, 

Daniel MDonald, 

John M'Leod, minister ofDa- 

rien. 
Alexander Monro, 
James Miller, 
James Marsh, 
John M'Intire, 
Owen M'Leod, 
Matthew Mauve, 
Peter Miller. 

N. 
Thomas Neale. 

O. 
Thomas Ormston, 
Christopher Ortman, 
Kenedy O'Brien. 



Henry Parker, Magistrate, 
William Parker, 
Samuel Parker, 
John Priestwood, 
John Pye, Recorder, 
Robert Parker, 
John Penrose, 
William Pendricke, 
James Papot, 
Jean Pirebreton, 
Samuel Perkins, 
George Philp. 

R. 

Simon Rieuwere, 
Richard Rogers, 
John Robe, 



158 



A Brief Account, ^c. 



George Rush, 
John Rae, 
Alexander Rose, 
John Roberson, 
Alexander Ranlovvle, 
William Rigden, 
Hugh Ross, 
Alexander Reynolds, 
John Michael Riser. 

S. 
Lewis Stamon, 
William Starflitchet, 
Joseph Stanley, 
Donald Stewart, 
James Smith, 
Alexander Simes, 
Joseph Summers, 
John Smith, 
John Sellie, 
Thomas Salter, 
James Scott, 
John Smalley, 
Thomas Sparnell, 
David Snook, 
George Stephens, 
Joseph Stringer, 
John Scott, 
William Sterling, 
John Speilbeigler, 
Joseph Smithers, 
William Stenhouse. 

T. 

Peter Tector, 
Edward Townsend, 
George Tyrrel, 
Stephen Tarrian, 



John Teasdale, 
Jacob Truan, 
Thomas Tripp, 
Thomas Tebbut, 
Patrick Tailfer, 
Alexander Taylor, 
Samuel Teasdale, 

U. 

Thomas Upton, 
Oliver Upsall. 

W. 
James Williams, 
Jacob Watts, 
Samuel Ward, 
George Waterman, 
James Willson, 
William Williamson, 
William Wood, 
James White, 
Thomas Wattle, 
Andrew Walker, 
William WoodroofFe, 
Thomas Webb, 
Joseph Wardrope, 
John Warwick 
Joseph Watson, 
John Wackfeld, 
Robert Williams. 



Isaac Young, sen. 
Isaac Young, jun. 
John Young, 
Thomas Young, sen. 
Thomas Young, jun. 



If it be asked, why all these did not sign the appointment for an agent, 
the answer is, a few of them are dead, and many deserted. 



A List of those who loere deemed the Body of the People, and 
who were either bribed or compelled to sign Petitions in 
opposition to those styled Malecontents. 

From Ebenezer. 



John Martin Boltzius, 
Israel Christian Gronau, 



Bartholomews Rieser, 
Bartholomeus Zant, 



Appendix, 



159 



Thomas Gsohwandel, 
Gabriel Maurer, 
John Maurer, 
George Kogler, 
Paul us Zittrauer, 
Peter Renter, 
Stephen Rottenberger, 
Ambrosii Zubli 
John Jacob Zubli, 
*Christopher Ortmann, 
Ruprecht Kalcher, 
Leonhard Rauner, 
Christian Riedelsperger, 
Fridrick Willhelm MoUer, 
Martin Hortzug, 
Christian Hessler, 
John Pletter, 
Frank Sigismund, 
John Hernberger, 
George Bruckner, 
Carl. Sigismund Ott, 
Matthias Zettler, 
Rupretch Eischberger, 
John Peter Arnsdorff, 



Simon Reiter, 
Matthias Brandner, 
Christian Leimberger, 
Martin Lackner, 
Luprelcht Steiner, 
Veit LeinmenhofFer, 
John and Car. Floerel, 
Rupretch Zimmerman, 
Simon Steiner, 
George Schwaiger, 
John Schmidt, 
Leonhard Crause, 
Peter Gruber, 
Jacob Schartner, 
Joseph Leitner, 
John Cornberger, 
Andreas Grimmiger, 
Matthias Burgsteiner, 
Veit Landselder, 
Joseph Ernst, 
*John Michel Rieser, 
*Thomas Pichler, 
*John Spielbiegler. 



From Darien. 



John Mackintosh Moore, 
John Mackintosh Lynvilge, 
Ranald M'Donald, 
Hugh Morrison, 
John M'Donald, 
John Maclean, 
John Mackintosh, son to L. 
John Mackintosh Bain, 
James M'Kay, 



Daniel Clark, first 
Alexander Clarke, 
Donald Clark, third 
Joseph Burges, 
Donald Clark, second 
Archibald M'Bain, 
*Alexander Munro, 
William Munro, 
John Cuthbert. 



A List of those who signed a State of the Province of 
Georgia, attested upon Oath, 



tPatrick Graham, apothecary to the trustees. 

tJoseph Fitzwalter, gardener to them. 

tJames Carwells, jailer. 

*Thomas Upton, commands a garrison of five men. 

*Giles Becu, baker to the trustees' store-keeper. 

*Thomas Egerton, grandson of the trustees' wheelwright. 



160 * A Brief Accmmt, ^c. 

Thomas Cundell, a boy under age. 
*Anthony Camuse, silkman. 

tJohn Burton, a town officer in the pay of the trustees. 
Joseph Pavey, in pay at fort Augusta. 
*Robert Hainks, a town officer. 
John Millidge, one of the General's servants. 
*Thomas Bayley, smith to the trustees. 
George Johnson, sawyer to tlie trustees. 
tSamuel Parker, son-in-law to Samuel Mercer. 
Thomas Palmer, sawyer to the trustees. 
William Stephens, the trustees' president and secretary, 
f Henry Parker, a magistrate and assistant to the president. 
Thomas Jones,(l) magistrate, assistant, accomptant, overseer, store- 
keeper, and cashier to the trustees, 
Samuel Mercer, (2) constable and assistant. 
*James Campbel, late jailer. 
John Rae,(3) scout boat-man. 

Noble Jones, commands a garrison near Captain Upton. 
*Thomas Young, wheelwright to the trustees. 
*Thomas Ellis, surveyor, 

Those marked t signed the representation of 117 in 1738. 
Those marked * have since repented, and signed the agent's appoint- 
ment, and the rest have ever been dependent. 

N. B. The state of the colony attested by the above twenty-five, only 
shows how far the people have gone towards improving the colony, and 
what it may be made capable of, but does not show the present real and 
true state of it, since it has made no mention of its ruinous and deserted 
plantations. 



No XXXVI. 

Georgia-Office, Westminster. 

Sir, — Your forgetting the duty of a magistrate, to pre- 
serve peace, and authority of government, and heading a 
discontented party to become petitioners with yourself, 
against the trustees' conduct, setting up yourselves as dic- 
tators, and prescribing rules to bring all order into confusion, 
is an offence of that nature to the trustees, who appointed 
you a magistrate for other purposes, that they thought fit to 
discharge you from the office of second bailiff, and one of 

(1) App. No. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. &c. (2) App. No. XII. 

(3) App. No. XII. 



Appendix. 161 

the assistants at Savannah, and have sent over their consti- 
tution for another person in your room. 

Persons not content with government, are equally unable 
to govern themselves, as choose their own governors ; and 
the trustees having no farther service for you, who take upon 
you thus to act, directed my acquainting you therewith. 
I am, sir. 

Your most humble servant, 

Harman Verelst, Accomptant. 

Feb. 16, 1741. 
To Mr. John Fallowfield. 



FINIS. 



VOL. II. 21 



A TRUE AND HISTORICAL NARRATIVE 

OF THE 

COLONY OF GEORGIA, 

IN AMERI C A, 

FROM THE FIRST SETTLEMENT THEREOF UNTIL THIS PRESENT PERIOD : 

CONTAINING 

THE MOST AUTHENTIC FACTS, MATTERS, AND 
TRANSACTIONS THEREIN: 

TOGETHER WITH 

HIS majesty's chakter, kepresentations of the people, letters, etc., 

AND 
A DEDICATION TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL OGLETHORPE. 

B Y 

PAT. TAILFER, M. D., HUGH ANDERSON, M. A., DA. DOUGLAS, 

and Otlicrs, Landholders in Georgia, at present in Charleston, South Carolina. 



Qui Deorum 

Muneribus sapienter uti, 

Duramq ; callet Pauperiemq; pati, 

Pejusq; Letho Flagitium timer, 

Non ille pro caris Amicis 

Aut Patria timidus Perire. H. 4 O. 



CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA: 

PRINTED BY P. TIMOTHY, FOR THE AUTHORS. 

1741. 



NOTE. 

We know but little of Dr. Tailfer, except what we find in Stephens's 
journal, whose representations of Jiim, though highly colored, show that 
he was one of the prominent agitators of the disturbances which rent the 
colony, an invincible enemy of Stephens, and a defamer of Oglethorpe. 

He appears to have been a man of violent and excitable passions, for 
in 1734 he was charged with killing his servant, William Douglas, and 
also with being excessively cruel to all his servants. The report of the 
coroner's inquest was, " we believe that the death of William Douglas, 
late servant of Patrick Tailfer, was caused by violent blows and bruises, 
received from his said master, Patrick Tailfer." The grand jury pre- 
sented him as guilty of manslaughter, but the laxity of the law enabled 
him to escape with impunity. The deceased, it was said, " had a liberal 
education, and was bred a surgeon." One of the causes which probably 
embittered his feelings towards General Oglethorpe, was the fact that in 
September 1739, himself, with five or six others, endeavored to form an 
independent company " for defence of the country, &c., but exclusive of 
any commands from the standing militia of the town where they lived." 
Tailfer was chosen Captain, about a dozen men volunteered, and they 
petitioned the General to be received and acknowledged as a part of the 
colonial foi'ce. This the General not only refused, but expressed his in- 
dignation at their presumption, and rebuked their proceedings. Dr. Tail- 
fer left Savannah for Charleston in September, 1740. 

Mr. Anderson, on his removal to Charleston, opened a school, and sub- 
sequently became master of the free school of that city. He died in 
Charleston, Nov. 21st, 1748. 

David Douglas was, like the two former, from Scotland, and the inti- 
mate associate and partisan of Tailfer. He was one of the " Juntillo," 
or "club," so often commented on by Stephens, and had, so far as we 
can ascertain, no other character than that of an active and somewhat 
influential demagogue. 

In perusing this narrative, it should also be borne in mind, that there 
was at that period, a rupture of the former amicable relations between 
Georgia and Carolina, which, from little bickerings of provincial authority, 
swelled out into angry crimination after the loss at fort Moosa, and the 
failure of the siege of St. Augustine in consequence of the partial defec- 
tion of the Carolina troops. Dr. Tailfer, therefore, but ministered to a 
popular feeling, when he denounced the operations of the trustees, and 
pampered the malignity of the envious by defaming the character of 
Oglethorpe. The style of the narrative shows the intemperate spirit in 
which it was written, while the veiled personalities which it tolerates, but 
evince the cowardice and the meanness of the detractor. 



TO HIS EXCELLENCY 



JAMES OGLETHORPE, Esq., 



General and Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Forces in 
South Carolina and Georgia ; and one of the Honorable 
Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in Amer- 
ica, ^c. 

May it please your Excellency, — 

As the few surviving remains of the colony of Georgia find 
it necessary to present the world (and in particular Great 
Britain) with a true state of that province, from its first rise 
to its present period ; your Excellency (of all mankind) is 
best entitled to the dedication, as the principal author of its 
present strength and affluence, freedom and prosperity : and 
though incontestable truths will recommend the following nar- 
rative to the patient and attentive reader, yet your name, sir, 
will be no little ornament to the frontispiece, and may possi- 
bly engage some courteous perusers a little beyond it. 

That dedication and flattery are synonymous, is the com- 
plaint of every dedicator, who concludes himself ingenuous 
and fortunate, if he can discover s. less trite and direct method 
of flattering than is usually practised ; but we are happily 
prevented from the least intention of this kind, by the repeat- 
ed offerings of the Muses and news-writers to your Excel- 
lency, in the public papers : 'twere presumptuous even to 
dream of equalling or increasing them ; we therefore flatter 
ourselves, that nothing we can advance will in the least shock 
your Excellency's modesty ; not doubting but your goodness 
will pardon any deficiency of elegance and politeness, on ac- 
count of our sincerity, and the serious truth we have the 
honor to approach you with. 



1 66 Dedication. 

We have seen the ancient custom of sending forth colonies, 
for the improvement of any distant territory, or new acquisi- 
tion, continued down to ourselves ; but to your Excellency 
alone it is owing, that the world is made acquainted with a 
plan, highly refined from those of all former projectors. They 
fondly imagined it necessary to communicate to such young 
settlements, the fullest rights and properties, all the immuni- 
ties of their mother countries, and privileges rather more ex- 
tensive : by such means indeed, these colonies flourished 
with early trade and affluence ; but your Excellency's con- 
cern for our perpetual welfare, could never permit you to pro- 
pose such transitory advantages for us ; you considered riches 
like a divine and philosopher, as the irritamenia malorum, and 
knew that they were disposed to inflate weak minds with 
pride; to pamper the body with luxury, and introduce along 
variety of evils. Thus have you protected us from ourselves, 
as Mr. Waller says, by keeping all earthly comforts from us : 
you have afforded us the opportunity of arriving at the integri- 
ty of the primitive times, by entailing a more than primitive pov- 
erty on us : the toil that is necessary to our bare subsistence, 
must effectually defend us from the anxieties of any further 
ambition : as we have no properties, to feed vainglory and 
beget contention, so we are not puzzled with any system of 
laws to ascertain and establish them : the valuable virtue of 
humility is secured to us, by your care to prevent our pro- 
curing, or so much as seeing any negioes (the only human 
creatures proper to improve our soil) lest our simplicity might 
mistake the poor Africans for greater slaves than ourselves: 
and that we might fully receive the spiritual benefit of those 
wholesome austerities, you have wisely denied us the use of 
such spirituous liquors, as might in the least divert our minds 
from the contemplation of our happy circumstances. 

Our subject swells upon us ; and did we allow ourselves to 
indulge our inclination, without considering our weak abilities, 
we should be tempted to launch out into many of youv Excel- 
lency's extraordinary endowments, which do not so much re- 
gard the afl'air in hand ; but as this would lead us beyond the 
bounds of a dedication, so would it engross a subject too 
extensive for us, to the prejudice of other authors and pane- 
gyrists ; we shall therefore confine ourselves to that remarka- 
ble scene of your conduct, whereby Great Britain in general, 
and the settlers of Georgia in particular, are laid under such 
inexpressible obligations. 



Dedication. 167 

Be pleased then, great sir, to accompany our heated ima- 
ginations, in taking a view of this colony of Georgia ! this 
child of your auspicious politics ! arrived at the utmost vigor 
of its constitution, at a term when most former states have 
been struggling through the convulsions of their infancy. This 
early maturity however, lessens our admiration, that your Ex- 
cellency lives to see (what few founders ever aspired after) the 
great decline and almost final termination of it. So many 
have finished their course during the progress of the experi- 
ment, and such numbers have retreated from the phantoms of 
poverty and slavery which their cowardly imaginations pic- 
tured to them, that you may justly vaunt with the boldest 
hero of them all, 

Like Death you reign 

O'er silent subjects and a desert plain. Busiris. 

Yet must your enemies (if you have any) be reduced to 
confess, that no ordinary statesman could have digested in the 
like manner, so capacious a scheme, such a copious jumble of 
power and politics. We shall content ourselves with observ- 
ing, that all those beauteous models of government which the 
little states of Germany exercise, and those extensive liberties 
which the boors of Poland enjoy, were designed to concentre 
in your system ; and were we to regard the modes of govern- 
ment, we must have been strangely unlucky to have missed of 
the best, where there was the appearance of so great a vari- 
ety ; for under the influence of our perpetual Dictator, we have 
seen something like aristocracy, oligarchy, as well as the tri- 
umvirate, decemvirate, and consular authority of famous re- 
publics, which have expired many ages before us ; what won- 
der then we share the same fate ? Do their towns and vil- 
lages exist but in story and rubbish ? We are all over ruins ; 
our public works, forts, wells, high-ways, light-house, store and 
water-mills, &c. are dignified like theirs, with the same ven- 
erable desolation. The log house indeed, is like to be the 
last forsaken spot of your empire ; yet even this, through the 
death or desertion of those who should continue to inhabit 
it, must suddenly decay ; the bankrupt jailor himself, shall be 
soon denied the privilege of human conversation ; and when 
this last moment of the spell expires, the whole shall vanish 
like the illusion of some Eastern mao;ician. 

But let not this solitary prospect impress your Excellency 
with any fears of having your services to mankind, and to the 



1 68 ^Dedication. 

settlers of Georgia in particular, buried in oblivion ; for if we 
diminutive authors are allowed to prophesy (as you know po- 
ets in those cases formerly did) we may confidently presage, 
that while the memoirs of America continue to be read in Eng- 
lish, Spanish, or the language of the Scots Highlanders, your 
Excellency's exploits and epocha will be transmitted to pos- 
terity. 

Should your Excellency apprehend the least tincture of 
flattery in anything already hinted, we may sincerely assure 
you, we intended nothing that our sentiments did not very 
strictly attribute to your merit ; and in such sentiments, we 
have the satisfaction of being fortified by all persons of impar- 
tiality and discernment. 

But to trespass no longer on those minutes, which your 
Excellency may suppose more significantly employed on the 
sequel, let it suffice at present, to assure you, that we are 
deeply affected with your favors ; and though unable of our- 
selves properly to acknowledge them, we shall embrace ev- 
ery opportunity of recommending you to higher powers, who 
(we are hopeful) will reward your Excellency according to 
your merit. 

May it please your Excellency, 
Your Excellency's 

Most devoted servants, 

The Landholders of Georgia, 

Authors of the following Narrative. 



PREFACE. 



The colony of Georgia has afforded so much subject of 
conversation to the world, that it is not to be questioned but 
a true and impartial account of it from its first settlement to 
its present period, will be generally agreeable ; and the more 
so, that the subject has hitherto been so much disguised and 
misrepresented in pamphlets, poems, gazettes and journals. 

If it be asked. Why this Narrative has not been published 
to the world sooner ? we assign two reasons, which (we doubt 
not) will be satisfactory. 

First, a number of honorable gentlemen accepted the 
charge of trustees for executing the purposes in his Majes- 
ty's most gracious charter: gentlemen, whose honor and in- 
tegrity we never did, or yet do call in question ; but, to our 
great misfortune, none of that honorable body, (excepting Mr. 
Oglethorpe) ever had opportunity of viewing the situation 
and circumstances of the colony, and judging for themselves 
as to the necessities thereof. How far Mr. Oglethorpe's 
schemes were consistent with the welfare or prosperity of it, 
will best appear from the following Narrative. 

When experience gradually unfolded to us the alterations 
we found absolutely requisite to our subsisting, we made all 
dutiful and submissive applications to these our patrons, in 
whom we placed so much confidence. This course we judg- 
ed the most proper and direct, and therefore repeated these 
our dutiful applications, both to the body of the trustees and 
to Mr. Oglethorpe ; but alas ! our miseries could not alter his 
views of things, and therefore we could obtain no redress from 
him; and the honorable board we found were prejudiced 
against our petitions (no doubt) through misinformations and 

VOL. II. 22 



170 Preface. 

misrepresentations ; and this (we are confident) a further in- 
quiry and time will convince them of. 

The inviolable regard we paid to the honorable board, kept 
us from applyingto any other power for redress, whilst the 
least hopes could be entertained of any from them ; and we 
make no doubt, but that our moderation in this respect, will 
recommend us to all persons of humanity. 

A second reason is, that as we had daily occasion of seeing 
our supreme magistrates, who ruled over us with unlimited 
power, exercising illegal acts of authority, by threatenings, ini- 
prisonments, and other oppressions; therefore we had just 
reason to apprehend, that any further steps to obtain relief, 
might subject us to the like effects of arbitrary power ; so, 
until now, that a handful of us have made our escape to a 
land of liberty (after having made shipwreck of our time and 
substance in that unhappy colony) we had it not in our power 
to represent the state of that settlement to the world, or make 
our application to higher powers for redress. 

We are hopeful, that the perusal of the following sheets 
will rectify two sorts of readers in their surprise in relation to 
the colony of Georgia, viz. those of Great Britain, who have 
never known this part of the world but by description, and 
those of America. The first are no doubt surprised, to think it 
possible, that so pleasant and temperate a clime ; so fruitful a 
soil ; such extensive privileges, all which were publicly given 
out ; and such considerable sums of public and private 
benefactions, have not satisfied and enriched us: them we 
refer to the following Narrative for satisfaction. The Amer- 
ican reader, on the other hand, must be equally suiprised to 
find that such numbers should have been so fooled and blind- 
folded, as to expect to live in this part of America by cul- 
tivation of lands without negroes, and much more without 
tides to their lands, and laid under a load of grievances and 
restrictions: and though these were redressed, how could 
persons in their senses ever imagine, that fifty acres of pine- 
barren, not value fifty six pences in property, (and whereof 
many thousands might be purchased at half that rate in the 
neighboring province) could maintain a family of white peo- 
ple and pay such duties and quit rents in a few years, as the 
richest grounds in Carolina, or other provinces in America 
will never bear? To these last we shall only beg leave to 
observe that such fatal artifice was used, (we shall not say by 
whom) such specious pretences were made use of, and such 



Preface. 171 

real falsities advanced, and the smallest foundations of truth 
magnified to hyperbole ; that we, who had no opportunity of 
knowing otherwise, or means of learning the real truth, and 
being void of all suspicion of artifice or design, easily believed 
all these, and fell into the decoy. 

The mind of man is naturally curious and enterprising ; we 
easily feed our wishes into realities, and affect and look upon 
every novelty in the most favorable hght ; how easy then is 
it, for cunning and artifice to lay hold on the weak sides of 
our fellow-creatures, as we catch fish with a hook baited to 
their particular gout ? 

To prove this charge, we shall only transcribe some passa- 
ges from a piece of prose, and some from a piece of poesie ; 
by which specimens, the reader may judge of some consider- 
able number which were dispersed and vended of the same 
stamp. 

The first are from a pamphlet printed at London, 1793, en- 
tided, A Neiv and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South 
Carolina and Georgia. The author has not thought fit to 
favor us with his name ; but it is easy to conceive that we, 
who suspected no artifice or design, must conclude that it 
came from the best authority, from the circumstances of its 
being dispersed publicly, and not being contradicted, and 
from the author's intimate acquaintance (at least so pretend- 
ed) with all the trustees' measures and designs. After a 
high encomium upon the trustees, page 7, he says: "The air 
of Georgia is healthy, being always serene and pleasant, never 
subject to excessive heat or cold, or sudden changes of 
weather ; the winter is regular and short, and the summer 
cooled with refreshing breezes ; it neither feels the cutting 
north-west wind that the Virginians complain of, nor the in- 
tense heats of Spain, Barbary, Italy and Egypt. The soil 
will produce anything with very little culture." Page 19: 
"All sorts of corn yield an amazing increase ; one hundred 
fold is the common estimate ; though their husbandry is so 
slight, that they can only be said to scratch the earth, and 
merely to cover the seed: all the best sort of cattle and fowls 
are multiplied without number, and therefore without a price : 
vines are natives here." Page 21 : "The woods near Sa- 
vannah are not hard to be cleared ; many of them have no 
under-wood, and the trees do not stand generally thick on 
the ground, but at considerable distances asunder ; when you 
fall the timber for use, or to make tar, the root will rot in four 



172 Preface. 

or five years ; and in the mean time you may pasture tlie 
ground ; but if you would only destroy the timber, it is done 
by half a dozen strokes of an axe surrounding eaqh tree alit- 
tle above the root, in a year or two the water getting into 
the wound rots the timber, and a brisk gust of wind fells ma- 
ny acres for you in an hour, of which you may make one bright 
bonfire. Such will be frequently here the fate of the pine, 
the walnut, the cypress, the oak and the cedar. Such an air 
and soil can only he described by a poetical pen, because 
there is no danger of exceeding the truth ; therefore take 
Waller's description of an island in the neighborhood of Car- 
olina, to give you an idea of this happy climate : 

"The Spring which but salutes us, here. 
Inhabits there, and courts theul all the year : 
Ripe fruits and blossonss on the same tree live ; 
At once they promise what at once they give. 
So sweet tlie air, so moderate tiie clime, 
None sickly lives, or dies before his time ; 
Heav'n sure has kept this spot of earth uncurst, 
To shew how all things were created first." 

Page 27 : " The Indians bring many a mile the whole deer's 
flesh, which they sell to the people who live in the country, 
for the value of sixpence sterling ; and a wild turkey of forty 
pounds weight, for the value of twopence." In page 32, the 
author when recommending the Georgia adventure to gen- 
tlemen of decayed circumstances, who must labor at home 
or do worse, states the following objection^ viz. " If such peo- 
ple can't get bread here for their labor, how will their condi- 
tion be mended in Georgia? " Which he solves in the fol- 
lowing manner: " The answer is easy; part of it is well 
attested, and part self-evident; they have land there for noth- 
ing, and that land so fertile, that as is said before, they receive 
an hundredfold increase, for taking a very little pains. Give 
here in England ten acres of good land to one of those help- 
less persons, and I doubt not his ability to make it sustain 
him, and by his own culture, without letting it to another; 
but the difference between no rent and rack'd rent, is the 
difference between eating and starving." Page 32 : " These 
trustees not only give land to the unhappy who go thither, 
but are also impowered to receive the voluntary contributions 
of charitable persons, to enable to furnish the poor adventur- 
ers with all necessaries for the expense of their voyage, occu- 
pying the land, and supporting them till they find themselves 
comfortably settled ; so that now the unfortunate will not be 
obliged to bind themselves to a long servitude to pay for ther 



Preface, 1 73 

passage ; for they may be carried gratis into a land of liberty 
and plenty, where they immediately find themselves in the 
possession of a competent estate, in a happier climate than 
they knew before, and they are unfortunate indeed if here 
they cannot forget their sorrows." Nay, as if such assertions 
as these were not powerful enough to influence poor people, 
calculations are subjoined, to deraonsti-ate, that a family con- 
sisting of one poor man, his wife, and child of seven years old, 
may in Georgia earn sixty pounds sterling per annum, and this 
abstracted from silk, wine, &c. Page 41 : "Now this very 
family in Georgia, by raising rice and corn sufficient for its 
occasions, and by attending the care of their cattle and land 
(which almost every one is able to do in some tolerable degree 
for himself) will easily produce in gross value the sum of 
sixty pounds sterling per annum ; nor is this to be wondered 
at, because of the valuable assistance it has from a fertile soil 
and a stock given gratis, which must always be remembered 
in this calculation. 

The calculation of one hundred such families when for- 
mally extended, stands thus, — Page 43. 

I. s. d. 

In London one hundred > ^„^ ^„ . 

> . . . 500 00 
poor men earn, ) 

One hundred women and ) ^ ^ 

one hundred children, ( 



1000 00 
In Georgia an hundred families earn, 

One hundred men for labor, . . 1200 00 

Ditto for care of their stock > ■ ^„ 

at leisure hours, \ ' ' ' 

One hundred women and ) 
one hundred children, ) 
Land and stock in them- > 
selves, \ ' 



2400 00 
1200 00 



Total, . . 6000 00 
Q. E. D. 

But we must conclude this head, lest we tire the reader. 
We shall now beg leave to quote a few poetical accounts ot 
this paradise of the world, and of the fatherly care and pro- 



1 74 Preface. 

tection we might depend on from Mr. Oglethorpe. An hun- 
dred hackney Muses might be instanced ; but we shall confine 
ourselves to the celebrated performance of the Rev. Samuel 
Wesly, where we might well expect a suflicient stock of truth 
and religion, to counterbalance a poetical license. Vide a 
poem entitled Georgia, and verses upon Mr. Oglethorpe's 
second voyage to Georgia. Printed London, 1736. 

" See where beyond the spacious ocean lies 
A wide waste land beneath the Sonlhern skies ; 
Where kindly suns for ages rolled in vain, . 
Nor e'er the vintage saw, or rip'ning grain ; 
Where all things into wild luxuriance ran, 
And burthened Nature asked the aid of man. 
In this sweet climate and prolific soil, 
He bids the eager swain indulge his toil ; 
In free possession to the planter's hand, 
Consigns the rich uncultivated land. 
Go you, the Monarch cries, go settle there, 
Whom Britain from her plenitude can spare ; 
Go, your old wonted industry pursue; 
Nor envy Spain the treasures of Peru. 



But not content in council here to join, 
A further labor Oglethorpe, is thine : 
In each great deed thou claiinst the foremost part, 
And toil and danger charm thy gen'rous heart : 
But chief for this thy warm affections rise ; 
For oh ! thou view'st it with a parent's eyes : 
For this thou tenipt'st the vast tremendous main. 
And floods and storms oppose their threats in vain. 



He comes, whose life, while absent from your view, 
Was one continued ministry for you ; 
For you were laid out all his pains and art, ' 
Won ev'ry will and softened every heart. 
With what paternal joy shall he relate 
How views its mother isle your little State ; 
Think while he strove your distant coast to oain. 
How oft he sigh'd and chid the tedious main ! 
Impatient to survey, by culture graced. 
Your dreary wood-land and your rugged waste. 
Fair were the scenes he feigned, the prospects fair ; 
And sure, ye Georffians, all he feigned was there. 
A thousand pleasures crowd into his breast ; 
But one, one mighty thought absorbs the rest, 
And gives me Heaven to see, the patriot cries, 
Another Britain in the desert rise. 



Again, 

With nobler products see thy Georgia teems, 
Cheered with the genial sun's directer beams ; 
There tlie wild vine to culture learus to yield, 
And purple clusters ripen through the field. 
Now bid thy merchants bring tliy wine no more, 
Or from th' Iberian or the Tuscan sliore : 
No more they need th' Hungarian vineyards drain, 
And France herself may drink her best Champaigne 
Behold ! at last, and in a subject land, 
Nectar suflicient for thy large demand ; 



Preface. 175 

Delicious nectar, powerful to improve 

Our hospitable mirth and social love : 

This for thy jovial sons. — Nor less the care 

Of thy young province, to oblige the Fair ; 

Here tend the silk worm in the verdant shade, 

The frugal matron and the blooming maid." 

From the whole, we doubt not the reader will look upon 
us as sufficiently punished for our credulity. And indeed, 
who would not have been catched with such promises, such 
prospects ? What might not the poor man flatter himself 
with, from such an alteration in his situation ? And how 
much more might a gentleman expect from a plentiful stock 
of his own, and numbers of servants to set up with ? Could 
a person with the least faith, have questioned the committing 
his interests to such guardians, and such a tender father as 
Mr. Oglethorpe was believed to be? Whether he has acted 
that generous, that humane, that fatherly part, the following 
narradve must determine. 

As for thos,e poetical licenses touching the wine and silk, 
we do not transcribe them as a reflection upon the author, 
but as a satire upon the mismanagement of those manufac- 
tures, since no measures were taken that seemed really 
intended for their advancement. 

We no wise question the possibility of advancing such 
improvements in Georgia, with far less sums of money, 
properly applied, than the public has bestowed. But not 
even the flourishing of wine and silk, can make a colony of 
British subjects happy, if they are deprived of the liberties 
and properties of their birthright. 

We have endeavored to the utmost to be tender of char- 
acters ; but as we undertake to write an account of facts and 
truths, there is no help for it, when those facts and truths 
press home. 

It is a common satisfacdon to sufferers, to expose to the 
public, the rocks upon which they split, and the misfortunes 
by which they suffered ; and it may well be allowed us, to 
publish the causes to which we attribute the ruin of that set- 
tlement and ourselves ; and more especially as we are pros- 
ecutors for justice from higher powers, which we doubt not 
receiving as the case deserves. 

We hope the truth of the following narrative will recom- 
mend itself to the perusal of the candid reader. The fatal 
truths of this tragedy hath already been sealed with the 



176 Preface. 

death of multitudes of our fellow-creatures ; but still (thanks 
to the providence of the Almighty,) some survive to attest 
and confirm the truth of what is herein contained, against 
any persons or names, however great, however powerful. 
Our circumstances and sincerity will excuse our want of that 
politeness and accuracy of style which might have repre- 
sented our case to greater advantage to the courteous 
reader, whom we shall no longer detain from the subject in 
hand. 



TRUE AND HISTORICAL NARRATIVE. 



Nothing is more difficult for authors, than to divest them- 
selves of bias and partiality, especially when they themselves 
are parties or sufferers in the affair treated of. 

It is possible, this may be supposed the case with us, the 
publishers of this narrative ; it may be imagined that the 
hardships, losses and disappointments we have met with in 
the colony of Georgia, will naturally sour our humors, and 
engage us to represent every thing in the worst light. 

As the probability of those surmises is very obvious to us, 
we have, to the utmost of our power, guarded against the 
weak side of ourselves ; and to convince the world of our 
sincerity, shall no further descend into the grievances of par- 
ticular persons, than is absolutely requisite for making our 
general narrative intelligible ; and to a faithful detail of public 
vouchers, records, extracts, missives, memorials, and repre- 
sentations, shall only adjoin so much of history as may be 
necessary to recount the most material events, and complete 
the connexion. 

We are hopeful, that an information founded upon the 
strictest truth, will effectually introduce any further steps that 
Providence shall enable us to take towards procuring the re- 
dress of our grievances. While we had the least hopes of 
redress from our immediate superiors and patrons, we would 
not, and when we began to despair of relief by that channel, 
we durst not, make application to any other tribunal, unless 
we would expose ourselves to the dreadful effects of the re- 
sentment of those who had before reduced us to poverty by 
oppression. And indeed, in all the applications we made for 
redress, we were brow-beat, obstructed, threatened, and 
branded with opprobrious names, such as proud, idle, lazy, 
discontented, and mutinous people, and several other appel- 

voL. II. 23 



178 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

lations of that kind ; and were always afterw^ards harassed 
by all means whatsoever, several instances of which will-ap- 
pear to the reader in the sequel. 

Our late retreat from that confinement, to a land of liberty, 
puts it in our power to speal< the truth ; and though our 
endeavor?; are too late to relieve the dead, the dying, and 
those many now dispersed in all the corners of his Majesty's 
dominions, yet they may be the means of usherino; in sym- 
pathy and assistance to the survivors, and to multitudes of 
widows and orphans of the deceased, from the humane and 
generous. 

As our sole design is to give a plain narrative of the estab- 
hshment and progress of the colony of Georgia, from its rise 
to its present period, we shall court no other ornaments than 
those of truth and perspicuity, and shall endeavor to carry 
the reader's attention regularly, from the first to the last mo- 
tions we make mention of. 

In the year 1732, his Majesty was pleased to erect, by his 
royal charter, into a separate province, distinct from South 
Carolina, that space of land lying between the rivers Savan- 
nah and Alatamaha, under the name of Georgia. 

As this gracious charter is the basis and foundation of all 
the transactions relating to this province, which have so much 
amused and perplexed the world, and which our endeavor is 
to set in a true light, we cannot dispense with inserting the 
charter at large, which we are confident, for many reasons, 
will be acceptable to the reader. 

" George the Second, by the grace of God, of Great 
Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. 
To all to whom these presents shall come, gieeting. Whereas 
we are credibly informed, that many of our poor subjects are, 
through misfortunes and want of employment, reduced to 
great necessity, insomuch as by their labor they are not able 
to pi'ovide a maintenance for themselves and families ; and if 
they had means to defray their charges of passage, and other 
expenses incident to new settlements, they would be glad to 
settle in any of our provinces in America ; where, by culti- 
vating the lands at present waste and desolate, they might 
not only gain a comfortable subsistence for themselves and 
families, but also strengthen our colonies, and increase the 
trade, navigation, and wealth of these our realms. And 
whereas our provinces in North America have been fre- 



J True and Historical Narrative^ ^c. 1 79 

quently ravaged by Indian enemies ; more especially that of 
South Carolina, which in the late war, by the neighboring 
savages, was laid waste by fire and sword, and great numbers 
of the English inhabitants miserably massaci-ed ; and our liv- 
ing subjects who now inhabit there, by reason of the small- 
ness of their numbers, will, in case of a new war, be exposed 
to the late calamities ; inasmuch as their whole southern fron- 
tier continueth unsettled, and lieth open to the said savages; 
and whereas we think it highly becoming our Crown and 
royal dignity, to protect all our loving subjects, be they never 
so distant from us; to extend our fatherly compassion even to 
the meanest and most infatuate of our people, and to relieve 
the wants of our above mentioned poor subjects ; and that 
it will be highly conducive for accomplishing those ends, 
that a regular colony of the said poor people be settled 
and established in the southern territories of Carolina; and 
whereas we have been well assured, that if we would be 
graciously pleased to erect and settle a corporation, for the 
receiving, managing and disposing of the contributions of our 
loving subjects ; divers persons would be induced to contri- 
bute to the purposes aforesaid. Know ye therefore, that we 
have, for the consideration aforesaid, and for the better and 
more orderly carrying on the said good purposes, of our spe- 
cial grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, willed, or- 
dained, constituted and appointed, and by these presents, for 
us, our heirs and successors, do will, ordain, constitute, declare 
and grant, that our right trusty and well beloved John Lord 
Viscount Purcival, of our Kingdom of Ireland, our trusty and 
well beloved Edward Digby, George Carpenter, James Ogle- 
thorpe, George Heathcote, Thomas Tower, Robert Moor, 
Robert Hucks, Roger Holland, William Sloper, Francis Eyles, 
John Laroche, James Vernon, William Beletha, Esqrs., A. M., 
John Burton, B. D., Richard Bundy, A. M., Arthur Beaford, 
A. M., Samuel Smith, A. M., Adam Anderson, and Thomas 
Coram, gentlemen, and such other persons as shall be elect- 
ed in the manner herein after mentioned, and their success- 
ors to be elected in the manner herein after directed, be, and 
shall be one body politic and corporate, in deed and in name, 
by the name of The Trustees for establishing the Colony of 
Georgia in America ; and them and their successors by the 
same name, we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs and 
successors, really and fully make, ordain, constitute and de- 



180 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

dare, to be one body politic in deed and in name forever ; 
and that by the same name, they and their successors, shall 
and may have perpetual succession ; and that they and their 
successors, by that name, shall and may forever hereafter, be 
persons able and capable in the law, to purchase, have, take, 
receive and enjoy, to them and their successors, any manors, 
messuages, lands, tenements, rents, advowsons, liberties, priv- 
ileges, jurisdictions, franchises, and other hereditaments what- 
soever, lying and being in Great Britain, or any part thereof, 
of whatsoever nature, kind or quality, or value they be, in fee 
and in perpetuity ; not exceeding the yearly value of one 
thousand pounds, beyond reprises ; also estates for lives and 
for years ; and all other manner of goods, chattels and things 
whatsoever they be ; for the better settling and supporting, 
and maintaining the said colony, and other uses aforesaid ; 
and to give, grant, let and demise the said manors, messua- 
ges, lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods, chattels and 
things whatsoever aforesaid, by lease or leases, for term of 
years, in possession at the time of granting thereof, and not in 
reversion, not exceeding the term of thirty-one years, from the 
time of granting thereof; on which in case no fine be taken, 
shall be reserved the full ; and in case a fine be taken, shall 
be reserved at least a moiety of the value that the same shall 
reasonably and bona fide, be worth at the time of such de- 
mise ; and that the}'^ and their successors, by the name afore- 
said, shall and may forever hereafter, be persons able, capable 
in the law, to purchase, have, take, receive and enjoy, to them 
and their successors, any lands, territories, possessions, tene- 
ments, jurisdictions, franchises and hereditaments whatsoever, 
lying and being in America, of what quantity, quality or value 
whatsoever they be, for the better settling and supporting, 
and maintaining the said colony ; and that by the name afore- 
said they shall and may be able to sue and be sued, plead 
and be impleaded, answer and be answered unto, defend and 
be defended in all courts and places whatsoever, and before 
whatsoever judges, justices and other oflicers, of us, our heirs 
and successors, in all and singular actions, plaints, pleas, mat- 
ters, suits and demands, of what kind, nature or quality so- 
ever they be ; and to act and do all other matters and things 
in as ample manner and form as any other our liege subjects 
of this realm of Great Britain, and that they and their suc- 
(cessors forever hereafter, shall and may have a common seal 



A True and Historical Narrative^ 8fc. 181 

to serve, for the causes and businesses of them and their suc- 
cessors ; and that it shall and may be lawful for them and 
their successors, to change, break, alter and make new the 
said seal, from time to time and at their pleasure, as they shall 
think best. And we do further grant, for us, our heirs and 
successors, that the said corporation and the common coun- 
cil of the said corporation hereinafter by us appointed, may 
from time to time, and at all times, meet about their affairs 
when and where they please, and transact and carry on the 
business of the said corporation. And for the better execu- 
tion of the purposes aforesaid, we do, by these presents, for 
us, our heirs, and successors, give and grant to the said cor- 
poration, and their successors, that they and their successors 
forever, may upon the third Thursday in the month of March 
yearly, meet at some convenient place to be appointed by the 
said corporation, or major part of them who shall be present 
at any meeting of the said corporation, to be had for the ap- 
pointing of the said place ; and that they or two thirds of 
such of them that shall be present at such yearly meeting, and 
at no other meeting of the said corporation, between the hours 
of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon of the same 
day, choose and elect such person or persons to be members 
of the said corporation, as they shall think beneficial to the 
good designs of the said corporation. And our further will 
and pleasure is, that if it shall happen that any person herein- 
after by us appointed, as the common council of the said cor- 
poration, or any persons to be elected or admitted members 
of the said common council in the manner hereafter directed, 
shall die, or shall by writing under his and their hands re- 
spectively resign his or their office or offices of common 
council man or common council men ; the said corporation, 
or the major part of such of them as shall be present, shall 
and may at such meeting, on the said third Thursday in 
March yearly, in manner as aforesaid, next after such death 
or resignation, and at no other meeting of the said corporation, 
into the room or place of such person or persons so dead or 
so resigning, elect and choose one or more such person or 
persons, being members of the said corporation, as to them 
shall seem meet : and our will is, that all and every the per- 
son or persons which shall from time to time hereafter be 
elected common council men of the said corporation as afore- 
said, do and shall, before he or they act as common coun- 



182 A True and Historical Narrative^ ^-c. 

cil men of the said corporation, take an oath for the faithful 
and due execution of their office ; which oath the president 
of the said corporation for the time being, is hereby author- 
ized and required to administer to such person or persons 
elected as aforesaid. And our will and pleasure is, that the 
first president of the said corporation is and shall be our 
trusty and well-beloved, the said John Lord Viscount Purci- 
val ; and that the said president shall, within thirty days after 
the passing this charter, cause a summons to be issued to the 
several members of the said corporation herein particularly 
named, to meet at such time and place as he shall appoint, 
to consult about and transact the businesses of the said corpo- 
ration. And our will and pleasure is, and we, by these 
presents, for us, our heirs and successors, grant, ordain and 
direct, that the common council of this corporation shall con- 
sist of fifteen in number ; and we do, by these presents, 
nominate, constitute and appoint our right trusty and well- 
beloved John Lord Viscount Purcival, our trusty and beloved 
Edward Digby, George Carpenter, James Oglethorpe, 
George Heathcote, Thomas Laroche, James Vernon, Wil- 
liam Beletha, Esqrs., and Stephen Hales, Master of Arts, to 
be the common council of the said corporation, to continue 
in the said office during their good behavior. And whereas 
it is our royal intention, that the members of the said corpo- 
ration should be increased by election, as soon as conven- 
iently may be, to a greater number than is hereby nominated ; 
Our further will and pleasure is, and we do hereby, for us, 
our heirs and successors, ordain and direct, that from the 
time of such increase of the members of the said corpora- 
tion, the num^ber of the common council shall be increased 
to twenty-four; and that the same assembly at wdiich such 
additional members of the said corporation shall be chosen, 
there shall likewise be elected, in the manner herein before 
directed for the election of common council men, nine per- 
sons to be the said common council men, and to make up 
the number twenty-four. And our further will and pleasure 
is, that our trusty and well-beloved Edward Digby, Esq., 
shall be the first chairman of the common council of the said 
corporation ; and that the said Lord Viscount Purcival shall 
be and continue president of the said corporation ; and that 
the said Edward Digby shall be and continue chairman of 
the common council of the said corporation, respectively, 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 183 

until the meeting which shall be had next and immeLllately 
after the first meeting of the said corporation, or of the com- 
mon council of the said corporation respectively, and no 
longer: at which said second meeting, and every other sub- 
sequent and future meeting of the said corporation, or of the 
common council of the said corporation respectively, \tt order 
to preserve an indifferent rotation of the several officers of 
president of the corporation, and of chairman of the common 
council of the said corporation ; we do direct and ordain, 
that all and every the person and persons members of the 
said common council for the time being, and no other, being 
present at such meetings, shall severally and respectively in 
their turns, preside at the meetings which shall from time to 
time be held of the said corporation, or of the common 
council of the said corporation respectively. And in case 
any doubt or question shall at any time arise touching or 
concerning the right of any member of the said common 
council to preside, at any meeting of the said corporation, or 
at the common council of the said corporation, the same shall 
respectively be determined by the major part of the said cor- 
poration, or of the common council of the said corporation 
respectively, who shall be present at such meeting. Pro- 
vided always, that no member of the said common council 
having served in the offices of president of the said corpora- 
tion, or of chairman of the common council of the said cor- 
poration, shall be capable of being or of serving as president 
or chairman at any meeting of the said corporation or com- 
mon council of the said corporation, next and immediately 
ensuing that in which he so served as president of the said 
corporation, or chairman of the said common council of the 
said corporation respectively ; unless it shall so happen, that 
at any such meeting of the said corporation there shall not 
be any other member of the said common council present. 
And our will and pleasure is, that at all and every of the 
meetings of the said corporation, or of the common council of 
the said corporation, the president or chairman for the time 
being, shall have a voice, and shall vote and shall act as a 
member of the said corporation, or of the common council 
of the said corporation, at such meeting ; and in case of any 
equality of votes, the said president or chairman for the time 
being, shall have a lasting vote. And our further will and 
pleasure is, that no president of the said corporation, or 



184 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

chairman of the common council of the said corporation, or 
member of the said common council or corporation, by us by 
these presents appointed, or hereafter from time to time to 
be elected and appointed in manner aforesaid, shall have, 
take or receive, directly or indirectly any salary, fee, perqui- 
site, benefit or profit whatsoever, for or by reason of his or 
their serving the said corporation, or common council of the 
said corporation, or president, chairman, or common council 
man, or as being a member of the said corporation. And 
our will and pleasure is, that the said herein before appointed 
president, chairman or common council men, before he and 
they act respectively as such, shall severally take an oath for 
the faithful and due execution of their trust, to be adminis- 
tered to the president by the Chief Baron of our Court of 
Exchequer, for the time being, and by the president of the 
said corporation to the rest of the common council, who are 
hereby authorized severally and respectively to administer 
the same. And our will and pleasure is, that all and every 
person and persons who shall have, in his or their own name 
or names, or in the name or names of any person or persons 
in trust for him or them, or for his or their benefit, any office, 
place or employment of profit, under the said corporation, 
shall be incapable of being elected a member of the said 
corporation ; and if any member of the said corporation, 
during such time as he shall continue a member thereof, 
shall in his own name, or in the name of any person or per- 
sons in trust for him, or for his benefit, have, hold, exercise, 
accept, possess or enjoy any office, place or employment of 
profit under the said corporation, or under the common 
council of the said corporation; such member shall from the 
time of his having, holding, exercising, accepting, possessing 
and enjoying such office, place and employment of profit, 
cease to be a member of the said corporation. And we do, 
for us, our heirs and successors, grant unto the said corpora- 
tion and their successors, that they and their successors, or 
the major part of such of them as shall be present at any 
meeting of the said corporation, convened and assembled for 
that purpose by a convenient notice thereof, shall have power 
from time to time and at all times hereafter, to authorize and 
appoint such persons as they shall think fit, to take subscrip- 
tions, and to gather and collect such moneys as shall be by 
any person or persons contributed for the purposes aforesaid, 






A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

and shall and may revoke and make void such authorities 
and appointments as often as they shall see cause so to do. 
And we do hereby, for us, our heirs and successors, ordain 
and direct, that the said corporation every year lay an account 
in writing before the chancellor or speaker, or commissioners 
for the custody of the great seal of Great Britain, of us, our 
heirs and successors, the Chief Justice of the Court of King's 
Bench, the Master of the Rolls, the Chief Justice of the Court 
of Common Pleas, and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, 
of us, our heirs and successors, for the time being, or any 
two of them, of all moneys and effects by them received or 
expended for the carrying on the good purposes aforesaid. 
And we do hereby, for us, our heirs and successors, give and 
grant unto the said corporation and their successors, full 
power and authority to constitute, ordain and make such and 
so many by-laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, as to 
them or the greater part of them, at their general meeting for 
that purpose, shall seem necessary and convenient for the 
well ordering and governing of the said corporation, and the 
said by-laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, or any of 
them, to alter and annul as they or the major part of them 
then present shall see requisite ; and in and by such by-laws, 
rules, orders and ordinances, to set, impose and inflict rea- 
sonable pains and penalties upon any oftender or offenders 
who shall transgress, break or violate the said by-laws, con- 
stitutions, orders and ordinances, so made as aforesaid, and 
to mitigate the same as they or the major part of them then 
present shall think convenient ; which said pains and penal- 
ties shall and may be levied, sued for, taken, retained and 
recovered by the said corporation and their successors, by 
their officers and servants from time to time to be appointed 
for that purpose, by action of debt, or by any other lawful 
ways or means, to the use and behoof of the said corpora- 
tion and their successors ; all and singular which by-laws, 
constitutions, orders and ordinances, so as aforesaid to be 
made, we will, shall be duly observed and kept, under the 
pains and penalties therein to be contained, so always, as the 
said by-laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, pains and 
penalties, from time to time to be made and imposed, be 
reasonable, and not contrary or repugnant to the laws or 
statutes of this our realm ; and that such by-laws, constitu- 
tions and ordinances, pains and penalties, from time to time 
VOL. II. 24 





♦.'. 'k 'jr 



186 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

to be made and imposed ; and any repeal or alteration there- 
of, or any of them, be likewise agreed to, be established and 
confirmed by the said general meeting of the said corpora- 
tion, to be held and kept next after the same shall be re- 
spectively made. And whereas the said corporation intend 
to settle a colony, and to make an habitation and plantation 
in that part of our province of South Carolina, in America, 
herein after described ; know ye, that we, greatly desiring 
the happy success of the said corporation, for their further 
encouragement in accomplishing so excellent a work, have, 
of our 'foresaid grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, 
given and granted, and by these presents, for us, our heirs 
and successors, do give and grant to the said corporation and 
their successors, under the reservation, limitation and decla- 
ration hereafter expressed, seven undivided parts, the whole 
in eight equal parts to be divided, of all those lands, coun- 
tries and territories situate, lying and being in that part of 
South Carolina, in America, which lies from the most north- 
ern part of a stream or river there, commonly called the Sa- 
vannah, all along the sea coast to the southward, unto the 
most southern stream of a certain other great water or river 
called the Alatamaha, and westerly from the heads of the 
said rivers respectively, in direct lines to the South Seas ; and 
all that share, circuit and precinct of land within the said 
boundaries, with the islands on the sea lying opposite to the 
eastern coast of the said lands, within twenty leagues of the 
same, which are not inhabited already, or settled by any au- 
thority derived from the crown of Great Britain, together 
with all the soils, grounds, havens, ports, gulfs and bays, 
mines, as well royal mines of gold and silver as other mine- 
rals, precious stones, quarries, w'oods, rivers, waters, fishings, 
as well royal fishings of whale and sturgeon as other fishings, 
pearls, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, franchises, privi- 
leges and preeminences within the said frontiers and pre- 
cincts thereof, and thereunto in any sort belonging or apper- 
taining, and which we by our letter patents may or can 
grant; and in as ample manner and sort as w^e may, or any 
our royal progenitors have hitherto granted to any company, 
body, politic or corporate, or to any adventurer or adven- 
turers, undertaker or undertakers of any discoveries, planta- 
tions or traffic of, in, or unto, any foreign parts whatsoever, 
and in as legal and ample manner as if the same were herein 



A True and Historical Narrative, i^c, 187 

particularly mentioned and expressed : To have, hold, pos- 
sess and enjoy the said seven undivided parts, the whole into 
eight equal parts to be divided as aforesaid, of all and singu- 
lar the lands, countries and territories, with all and singular 
other the premises herein before by these presents granted or 
mentioned, or intended to be granted to them the said cor- 
poration and their successors, for ever, for the better support 
of the said colony ; to be holden of us, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, as of our honor of Hampton Court, in our county of 
Middlesex, in free and common soccage, and not in capite ; 
yielding and paying therefor to us, our heirs and successors, 
yearly for ever, the sum of four shillings for every hundred 
acres of the said lands which the said corporation shall 
grant, demise, plant or settle ; the said payment not to com- 
mence or to be made until ten years after such grant, de- 
mise, planting or settling, and to be answered and paid to 
us, our heirs and successors, in such manner, and in such 
species of money or notes as shall be current in payment by 
proclamation from time to time in our said province of South 
CaroUna ; all which lands, countries, territories and premises 
hereby granted, or mentioned and intended to be granted, 
we do, by these presents, make, erect and create, one inde- 
pendent and separate province, by the name of Georgia, by 
which name, we will, the same henceforth be called ; and 
that all and every person or persons who shall at any time 
hereafter inhabit or reside within our said province, shall be 
and hereby are declared to be free, and shall not be subject 
to or be bound to obey any laws, orders, statutes, or consti- 
tutions which have been heretofore made, ordered and en- 
acted, or which hereafter shall be made, ordered or enacted 
by, for or as the laws, orders, statutes or constitutions of our 
said province of South Carolina (save and except only the 
command in chief of the militia of our said province of 
Georgia, to our governor for the time being, of South Caro- 
lina, in manner hereafter declared) but shall be subject to 
and bound to obey such laws, orders, statutes and consti^:u- 
tions as shall from time to time be made, ordered and en- 
acted, for the better government of the said province of 
Georgia, in the manner herein after declared. And we do 
hereby, for us, our heirs and successors, ordain, will and 
establish, that for and during the term of twenty-one years, 
to commence from the date of these our letters patent, the 



188 A True and Historical Narrative, ^-c. 

said corporation assembled for that purpose, shall and may 
form and prepare laws, statutes and ordinances, fit and ne- 
cessary for and concerning the government of the said colo- 
ny, and not repugnant to the laws and statutes of England, 
and the same shall and may pi'esent, under their common 
seal, to us, our heirs and successors, in our or their privy 
council, for our or their approbation or disallowance ; and the 
said laws, statutes and ordinances being approved of by us, 
our heirs and successors, in our or their privy council, shall 
from thenceforth be in full force and virtue within our said 
province of Georgia. And forasmuch as the good and pros- 
perous success of the said colony, cannot but chiefly depend, 
next under the blessing of God and the support of our 
royal authority, upon the provident and good direction of 
the whole enterprize ; and that it will be too great a burthen 
upon all the members of the said corporation, to be con- 
vened so often as may be requisite to hold meetings for the 
settling, supporting, ordering and maintaining the said col- 
ony : therefore we do will, ordain and establish, that the 
said common council for the time being, of the said corpo- 
ration, being assembled for that purpose, or the major part of 
them, shall from time to time and at all times hereafter, have 
full power and authority to dispose of, extend and apply all 
the moneys and efilscts belonging to the said corporation, in 
such manner and ways, and by such expenses as they shall 
think best to conduce to the carrying on and effecting the 
good purposes herein mentioned and. intended : and also, 
shall have full power, in the name and on the account of the 
said corporation, and with and under their common seal, to 
enter under any covenants or contracts for carrying on and 
effecting the purposes aforesaid. And our further will and 
pleasure is, that the said common council for the time being, 
or the major part of such common council which shall be 
present and assembled for that purpose, from time to time 
and at all times hereafter, shall and may nominate, constitute 
and appoint a treasurer or treasurers, secretary or secretaries, 
and such other officers, ministers and servants of the said 
corporation, as to them or the major part of them as shall be 
present shall seem proper or requisite for the good man- 
agement of their affairs ; and at their will and pleasure to 
displace, remove and put out such treasurer or treasurers, 
secretary or secretaries, and all such other officers, ministers 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 189 

and servants, as often as they shall think fit so to do, and 
others in the room, office, place or station of him or them so 
displaced, removed or put out, to nominate, constitute and 
appoint ; and shall and may determine and appoint such rea- 
sonable salaries, perquisites and other rewards for their labor, 
or service of such officers, servants and persons, as to the 
said common council shall seem meet ; and all such officers, 
servants and persons shall, before the acting their respective 
offices, take an oath, to be to them administered by the chair- 
man for the time being of the said common council of the 
said corporation, who is hereby authorized to administer the 
same, for the faithful and due execution of their respective 
offices and places. And our will and pleasure is, that all 
such person and persons who shall from time to time be chosen 
or appointed treasurer or treasurers, secretary or secretaries 
of the said corporation, in manner herein after directed, shall, 
during such times as they shall serve in the said offices re- 
spectively, be incapable of being a member of the said cor- 
poration. And we do further, of our special grace, certain 
knowledge and mere motion, for us, our heirs and successors, 
grant, by these presents, to the said corporation and their suc- 
cessors, that it shall be lawful for them and their officers or 
agents, at all times hereafter, to transport and convey out of 
our realm of Great Britain, or any other our dominions, into 
the said province of Georgia, to be there settled, and so many 
of our loving subjects, or any foreigners that are willing to 
become our subjects and Hve under our allegiance in the said 
colony, as shall be willing to go to inhabit or reside there, 
with sufficient shipping, armor, weapons, powder, shot, ord- 
nance, munition, victuals, merchandise and wares, as are es- 
teemed by the wild people, clothing, implements, furniture, 
cattle, horses, mares, and all other things necessary for the said 
colony, and for the use and defence, and trade with the people 
there, and in passing and returning to and from the same. 
Also we do, for ourselves and successors, declare, by these 
presents, that all and every the persons which shall happen 
to be born within the said province, and every of their child- 
ren and posterity, shall have and enjoy all liberties, franchises 
and immunites of free denizens and natural born subjects, 
within any of our dominions, to all intents and purposes, as 
if abiding and born within this our kingdom of Great Britain, 
or any other dominion. And for the greater ease and en- 



190 A True and Historical Narrative, ^-c. 

couragement of our loving subjects, and such others as shall 
come to inhabit in our said colony, we do, by these presents, 
for us, our heirs and successors, grant, establish and ordain, 
that for ever hereafter, there shall be a liberty of conscience 
allowed in the worship of God, to all persons inhabiting 
or which shall inhabit or be resident within our said pro- 
vince, and that all such persons, except papists, shall have 
a free exercise of religion ; so they be contented with the 
quiet and peaceable enjoyment of the same, not giving 
offence or scandal to the government. And our further 
will and pleasure is, and we do hereby, for us, our heirs 
and successors, declare and grant, that it shall and may be 
lawful for the said common council, or the major part of them, 
assembled for that purpose, in the name of the corporation, 
and under the common seal, to distribute, convey, assign 
and set over such particular portions of lands, tenements and 
hereditaments by these presents granted to the said corpora- 
tion, unto such of our loving subjects naturally born or 
denizens, or others, that shall be willing to become our sub- 
jects, and live under our allegiance in the said colony, upon 
such terms, and for such estates, and upon such rents, reser- 
vations and conditions as the same may be lawfully granted, 
and as to the said common council, or the major part of them 
so present, shall seem fit and proper. Provided always, that 
no grants shall be made of any part of the said lands unto 
any person being a member of the said corporation, or to 
any other person in trust for the benefit of any member of 
the said corporation ; and that no person having any estate or 
interest in law or equity in any part of the said lands, shall 
be capable of being a member of the said corporation, during 
the condnuance of such estate or interest. Provided also, 
that no greater quantity of lands be granted, either entirely 
or in parcels, to or for the use or in trust for any one person 
than five hundred acres ; and that all grants made contrary 
to the true intent and meaning hereof, shall be absolutely null 
and void. And we do hereby grant and ordain, that such 
person or persons for the time being, as shall be thereunto 
appointed by the said corporation, shall and may at all times, 
and from time to time hereafter, have full power and author- 
ity to administer and give the oaths appointed by an act of 
parliament made in the first year of the reign of our late 
royal father, to be taken instead of the oaths of allegiance 



A Tme and Historical Narrative, 4^c. 191 

and supremacy ; and also the oath of abjuration, to all and 
every person and persons which shall at any time be inhabit- 
ing or residing within our said colony ; and in like cases to 
administer the solemn affirmation to any of the persons com- 
monly called quakers, in such manner as by the laws of our 
realm of Great Britain the same may be administered. And 
we do, of our further grace, certain knowledge and mere 
motion, grant, establish and ordain, for us, our heirs and 
successors, that the said corporation and their successors, 
shall have full power and authority for and 'during the term 
of tw^enty-one years, to commence from the date of these 
our letters patent, to erect and constitute judicatures and 
courts of record, or other courts, to be held in the name of 
us, our heirs and successors, for the hearing and determin- 
ing of all manner of crimes, offences, pleas, processes, plaints, 
actions, matters, causes and things whatsoever, arising or 
happening within the said province of Georgia or betv^^een 
persons of Georgia ; whether the same be criminal or civil, and 
whether the said crimes be capital or not capital, and whether 
the said pleas be real, personal or mixed ; and for awarding 
and making out executions thereupon ; to which courts and 
judicaturies, we do hereby, for us, our heirs and successors, 
give and grant full power and authority, from time to time, to 
administer oaths for the discovery of truth, in any matter in 
controversy or depending before them, or the solemn affirma- 
tion to any of the persons commonly called quakers, in such 
manner as by the laws of our realm of Great Britain the same 
may be administered. And our further will and pleasure is, 
that the said corporation and their successors, do from time 
to time and at all times hereafter, register or cause to be re- 
gistered all such leases, grants, plantings, conveyancCvS, set- 
tlements and improvements whatsoever, as shall at any time 
hereafter be made by or in the name of the said corporation, 
of any lands, tenements or hereditaments within the said 
province ; and shall yearly send and transmit, or cause to be 
sent or transmitted, authentic accounts of such leases, grants, 
conveyances, settlements and improvements respectively, 
unto the auditor of the plantations for the time being, or his 
deputy, and also to our surveyor for the time being of our 
said province of South Carolina, to whom we do hereby grant 
full power and authority from time to time, as often as need 
shall require, to inspect and survey such of the said lands and 



192 A True and Historical Narrative, 8fC. 

premises as shall be demised, granted and settled as aforesaid, 
which said survey and inspection, we do hereby declare 

^ to be intended to ascertain the quit-rents which shall from 

time to time become due to us, our heirs and successors, 
according to the reservations herein before mentioned, and 
for no other purposes whatsoever ; hereby, for us, our heirs 
and successors ; strictly enjoining and commanding, that 
neither our or their surveyor, or any person whatsoever, un- 
der the pretext and color of making the said survey or in- 
spection, shall take, demand or receive any gratuity, fee or 
reward of or from any person or persons inhabiting in the 
said colony, or from the said corporation or common council 
of the same, on the pain of forfeiture of the said ofRce or 
offices, and incurring our highest displeasure. Provided 
always, and our further w^ill and pleasure is, that all leases, 
grants and conveyances to be made by or in the name of the 
said corporation, of any lands within the said province, or a 
memorial containing the substance and effect thereof, shall 
be registered with the auditor of the said plantations, of us, 
our heirs and successors, within the space of one year, to be 
computed from the date thereof, otherwise the same shall be 
void. And our further will and pleasure is, that the rents, 
issues, and all other profits which shall at any time hereafter 
come to the said corporation, or the major part of them which 
shall be present at any meeting for that purpose assembled, 
shall think will most improve and enlarge the said colony, 
and best answer the good purposes herein before mentioned, 
and for defraying all other charges about the same. And our 
will and pleasure is, that the said corporation and their suc- 
cessors, shall from time to time give in to one of the principal 
secretaries of state and to the commissioners of trade and 
plantations, accounts of the progresses of the said colony. 
And our will and pleasure is, that no act done at any meeting 
of the said common council of the said corporation, shall be 
effectual and valid, unless eight members at least of the said 
common council, including the member who shall serve as 
chairman at the said meeting, be present, and the major part 

\ of them consenting thereunto. And our will and pleasure is, 

that the common council of the said corporation for the time 
being, or the major part of them who shall be present, being 

f^ assembled for that purpose, shall from time to time, for and 

during and unto the full end and expiration of twenty-one 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 193 

years, to commence from the date of these our letters patent, 
have full power and authority to nominate, make, constitute, 
commission, ordain and appoint, by such name or names, 
style or styles, as to them shall seem meet and fitting, all and 
singular such governors, judges, magistrates, ministers and 
officers, civil and mihtary, both by sea and land, within the 
said districts, as shall by them be thought fit and needful to 
be made or used for the said government of the said colony; 
save always and except such officers only as shall by us, our 
heirs and successors, be from time to time constituted and 
appointed, for the managing, collecdng and receiving such 
revenues as shall from time to time arise within the said 
province of Georgia, and become due to us, our heirs and 
successors. Provided always, and it is our will and pleasiwe, 
that every governor of the said province of Georgia, to be 
appointed by the common council of the said corporation, 
before he shall enter upon or execute the said office of gov- 
ernor, shall be approved by us, our heirs, or successors, and 
shall take such oaths and shall qualify himself in such man- 
ner in all respects, as any governor or commander in chief of 
any of our colonies or plantations in America, are by law re- 
quired to do; and shall give good and sufficient security for 
observing the several acts of Parliament relating to trade and 
navigation, and to observe and obey all instructions that shall 
be sent to him by us, our heirs and successors, or any acting 
under our or their authority, pursuant to the said acts, or any 
of them. And we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs 
and successors, will, grant and ordain, that the said corpora- 
tion and their successors, shall have full power for and during 
and until the full end and term of twenty-one years, to com- 
mence from the date of these our letters patent, by any com- 
mander or other officer or officers by them for that purpose 
from time to time appointed, to train, instruct, exercise and 
govern a militia for the special defence and safety of our said 
colony, to assemble in martial array the inhabitants of the 
said colony, and to lead and conduct them, and with them to 
encounter, expulse, repel, resist and pursue, hy force of arms, 
as well by sea as by land, within or without the limits of our 
sai^^ colony ; and also to kill, slay and destroy, and conquer, 
by all fighting ,ways, enterprises and means whatsoever, all 
and every such person or persons as shall at any time here- 
after in any hostile manner attempt or enterprise the de- 
voL. II. 25 



194 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

struction, invasion, detriment or annoyance, of our said colony; 
and to use and exercise the martial law in time of actual 
war and invasion or rebellion, in such cases where by law the 
same may be used or exercised ; and also from time to time 
to erect forts and fortify any place or places within our said 
colony, and the same to furnish with all necessary ammunition, 
provisions and stores of war, for offence and defence, and to 
commit from time to time the custody or government of the 
same to such person or persons as to them shall seem meet ; 
and the said forts and fortifications to demolish at their pleas- 
ure ; and to take and surprise, by all ways and means, all- and 
every such person or persons, with their ships, arms, ammu- 
nition and other goods, as shall in an hostile manner invade 
or attempt the invading, conquering or annoying of our said 
colony. And our will and pleasure is, and we clo hereby, for 
us, our heirs and successors, declare and grant, that the gov- 
ernor and commander in chief of the province of South Car- 
olina, of us our heirs and successors, for the time being, shall 
at all times hereafter have the chief command of the militia 
of our said province, hereby erected and established ; and 
that such militia shall observe and obey all orders and direc- 
tions that shall from time to time be given or sent them by 
the said governor or commander in chief, any thing in these 
presents before contained to the contrary hereof in any wise 
notwithstanding. And, of our more special grace, certain 
knowledge and mere motion, we have given and granted, 
and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do 
give and grant unto the said corporation and their successors, 
full power and authority to import and export their goods at 
and from any port or ports that shall be appointed by us, our 
heirs and successors, within the said province of Georgia for 
that purpose, without being obliged to touch at any other 
port in South Carolina. And we do, by these presents, for 
us, our heirs and successors, will and declare, that from and 
after the determination of the said term of one and twenty 
years such form of government and method of making laws, 
statutes and ordinances, for the better governing and order- 
ing the said province of Georgia, and the inhabitants thereof, 
shall be established and observed within the same, as. we, 
our heirs and successors, shall hereafter ordain and appoint, 
and shall be agreeable to law ; and that from and after the 
determination of the said term of one and twenty years, the 



A True and H'vdorical Narrative, ^c. 195 

o-overnor of our said province of Georgia, and all officers, civil 
and military, within the same, shall from time to time be nom- 
inated and constituted and appointed by us, our heirs and 
successors. And lastly, we do hereby, for us, our heirs and 
successors, grant unto the said corporation and their succes- 
sors, that these our letters patent, or the enrollments or exem- 
plification thereof, shall be in and by all things, good, firm, 
valid, sufficient and effectual in the Law, according to the 
true intent and meaning thereof, and shall be taken, con- 
strued and adjudged in all courts and elsewhere, in the most 
favorable and beneficial sense, and for the best advantage of 
the said corporation and their successors, any omission, im- 
perfection, defect, matter or cause or thing whatsoever to the 
contrary in any wise notwithstanding. In witness we have 
caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness ourself 
at Westminster, the ninth day of June, in the fifth year of 
our reign. 

By writ of privy seal. 

COOKS. 

The gracious purposes and ample privileges contained in 
the foregoing charter, are so obvious to every reader, that 
we need only say, they were suitable to a most generous and 
humane British monarch; and had the settlement of the col- 
ony of Georgia been carried on conformable thereto, and no 
other restrictions or reservations made, than what are therein 
mentioned, then would the colony at this time have been in 
a flourishing condition, answerable to all those glorious ends 
that were proposed and expected from it. But on the con- 
trary, laws and restrictions being made, such as were never 
heard of in any British settlement, the colony is brought to 
the present melancholy situation. But we shall say no more 
at present on this head, than what Mr. Oglethorpe said in 
Parliament relating to the charitable corporation, viz.:* The 
better the design was, the more those deserve to be punished 
who have disappointed the public of reaping the benefits that 
might have accrued from it. 

Inhabitants of all sorts, Roman Catholics only excepted, 
from all parts of the world, were invited to possess this prom- 
ised land ;. and large sums of money from the Parliament, as 

* Vide Lond. Mag. p. 379. 



196 A True and Historical Nanative„ ^c. 

well as contributions from private and public charity, were 
collected ; the county was laid out as an earthly paradise ; 
the soil far surpassing that of England ; the air healthy, always 
serene, pleasant and temperate, never subject to excessive 
heat or cold, nor to sudden changes. 

It was ])articularly set forth, and with a show of reason, 
enough,, that this proposed settlement could not fail of suc- 
ceeding, when the nation was so bountiful ; the King so 
gracious ;* the trustees so disinterested and honorable, who 
had, for the benefit of mankind, given up that ease and indo- 
lence to which they were entitled by their fortunes and the 
too prevalent custom of their native country ; and withal, 
being able, by seeing the mistakes and failures of other col- 
onies, both to avoid and rectify them ; and lastly, the univer- 
sal report of Mr. Oglethorpe's matchless humanity and gen- 
erosity, who was to conduct the first embarkation, and who 
was, in all appearance, to undergo the greatest hardships, 
without any other view than to succor the distressed ; and 
despising interest or riches, was to venture his life, his all, in 
establishing the intended settlement. Glorious presages of 
the future happiness of that colony ! Irresistible temptations 
to those whose genius or circumstances led them to leave 
their native country ! 

No wonder then, that great numbers of poor subjects, who 
lay under a cloud of misfortunes, embraced the opportunity 
of once more tasting liberty and happiness ; that Jews, 
attracted by the temptation of inheritances, flocked over; that 
Germans, oppressed and dissatisfied at home, willingly joined 
in the adventure, some as settlers, and others as servants to 
the trustees; and lastly, that great numbers of gentlemen of 
some stock and fortune, wilHngly exj)ended part of the same, 
in purchasing servants, tools, commodities and other necessa- 
ries, to entitle them to such respective proportions of land, as 
the trustees had thought proper to determine, and such liber- 
ties and properties as they had reason to expect from his 
majesty's most gracious charter: but how much they were 
all disappointed the sequel will show. The first thing that 
was done, was the circumscribing the rights and titles given 
by his majesty, and niaking many other various restrictions, 
services and condidons, impossible for any human person to 



* Vide a pamphlet, entitled, A New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of 
South Carolina and Heorgia. 



1 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 197 

perform ; a few of which we shall here enumerate : In the first 
place, there was an excessive quit-rent laid upon the land, 
being a great deal more than his majesty's subjects in the 
other British colonies pay, viz. : twenty shillings sterling for 
every hundred acres, to be paid yearly ; and if it, or any part 
thereof, should be behind and unpaid by the space of six cal- 
endar months next after any day of payment on which the 
same became due, then the land was forfeited and returned 
to the trustees ; as it likewise did upon failure in any of the 
following conditions, viz. : one thousand mulberry trees al- 
ways to be growing on every hundred acres ; no partnership 
or company to be entered into for making pot-ash ; not to 
assign or transfer the land, or any part or parcel thereof, or 
any estate or interest in the same, for any term of years ; not 
to hire, keep, lodge, board or employ, within the limits of the 
province, any black or negro ; and if the person holding land 
should die without issue male, or his heirs at any time should 
die without issue male, in that case likewise, the whole land 
was forfeited and reverted to the trustees; and if any part or 
parcel of any of the five hundred acre tracts, should remain 
not cultivated, cleared, planted and improved after the space 
of eighteen years, such part to return to the trustees. These 
were the chief restrictions in all the grants of lands, which 
appeared very hard even to strangers, who had not yet felt 
them, and who were ignorant of the climate and nature of the 
place; but when any one complained of the hardships of 
them, to palliate the matter, it was given out, that negroes 
were entirely useless and unprofitable ; wine, silk, olives, gar- 
dens and manufactures for women and children, were the 
intended improvements of the colony ; that the restriction of 
the rights of lands, were only temporary, to prevent the bar- 
tering or selling them by the unthinking people, at an under- 
value ; and concerning the want of male issue, it was assert- 
ed, that the trustees being duly petitioned, would grant con- 
tinuation of the land to the eldest daughter, if any, &c., upon 
their good* behavior: that the laws of England, and the ad- 
ministration of justice, in the most impartial manner, and most 
adapted to the nature of a free British government, should be 
ever secured to the inhabitants. 

The first of February, 1732-3, Mr. Oglethorpe arrived at 

* How precarious must this security be to such unfortunate persons, when their 
behavior must be judged of by information and representation ? 



198 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

Georgia with the first embarkation, consisting of forty fami- 
lies, making upwards of one hundred persons, all brought 
over and supported at the public charge. The first thing he 
did after he arrived in Georgia, was to make a kind of solemn 
treaty with a parcel of fugitive Indians, who had been formerly 
banished their own nation for some crimes and misdemeanors 
they had committed, and who had, some months before this, 
got liberty from the governor of South Carolina, to setde 
there.* Some of these he afterwards carried home with him 
under the tule of kings, &c., and all of them have been ever 
since maintained at the public charge, at vast expense, when 
many poor ChrisUans ^vere starving in the colony for want of 
bread ; and we may safely affirm, (and appeal to the store- 
books for the trutli of it) that a largei" sum of money has been 
expended for the support of those useless vagrants, than ever 
was laid out for the encouragement of silk, wine, or any other 
manufacture in the colony. 

Secondly, he prohibited the importation of rum, under pre- 
tence that it was destructive to the constitution, and an incen- 
tive to debauchery and idleness. However specious these 
pretences might seem, a little experience soon convinced us, 
that this restriction was directly opposite to the well-being of 
the colony : for, in the first place, we were cut off from the 
most immediate and probable way of exporting our timber, 
(the only poor prospect of export that we could ever flatter 
ourselves with) to the sugar islands, rum being the principal 
return they make. In the second place, the experience of 
all the inhabitants of America, will prove the necessity of 
qualifying water with some spirit, (and it is very certain, that 
no province in America yields water that such a qualification 
is more necessary to than Carolina and Georgia) and the use- 
fulness of this experiment has been sufficiently evident to all 
the inhabitants of Georgia who could procure it, and use it 
with moderation. A third reason which made this restriction 
very hurtful to the colony, was, that though the laws were in 
force against it, (which put it in the power of magistrates to 
lay hardships upon every person who might be otherwise un-. 
dcr their resentment,) yet great quantities were imported,t 
only with this diff'erence, that in place of barter or exchange, 

* They built a small number of liuls on a bluff called Yamacraw. Savannali now 
stands on the same bluff. 

t Viz. : from Carolina and New England, who would take money only. 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 199 

the ready money was drained from the inhabitants : and 
likewise, as it is the nature of mankind in general, and of the 
common sort in particular, more eagerly to desire, and more 
immoderately to use those things which are most restrained 
from them ; such was the case with respect to rum in Geor- 
gia. 

The third thing he did was regularly to set out to each 
free-holder in Savannah, lots of fifty acres, in three distinct 
divisions, viz, : the eighth part of one acre for a house and 
garden in the town ; four acres and seven-eighths, at a small 
distance from town; and forty-five acres at a considerable 
remove from thence. No regard was had to the quality of 
the ground in the divisions, so that some were altogether 
pine barren, and some swamp and morass, far surpassing the 
strength and ability of the planter: and indeed, what could' 
be done at any rate, with such small parcels of land separate 
from one another. These lots were likewise shaped in long 
pointed triangles, which considerably increased the extent of 
inclosure, and rendered great part of each lot entirely useless. 
But these and many other hardships were scarcely felt by 
the few people that came there, so long as Mr. Oglethorpe 
staid, which was about fifteen months. They worked hard 
indeed, in building some houses in town ; but then they la- 
bored in common, and were likewise assisted by negroes 
from Carolina, who did the heaviest work. But at* Mr. 
Oglethorpe's going to England, the growing fame of the col- • 
ony was thereby greatly increased, so that as it has been be- 
fore observed, people, in abundance, from all parts of the 
w^orld, flocked to Georgia. Then they began to consider, 
and endeavor, every one according to his genius or abilities, 
how they might best subsist themselves. Some, with great 
labor and expense, essayed the making of tar.f This, as it 
is well known to the trustees, never quitted costs. Others 
tried to make plank and saw boards ; which, by the great 
price they were obliged to sell them at, by reason of the 
great expense of white servants, was the chief m.eans of ruin- 
ing those who thought to procure a living by their buildings 

^ Cpfore he departed, a vessel with about twenty families of Jews arrived, all of 
wiioni had lots assiijned them; antllikewise a vessel with forty transported Irish 
convicts, whom he purchased, although they had been before refused at Jamaica, and 
who afterwards occasioned continual disturbances in tlie colony. 

t ]\Ir. Causton, the trustees' store keeper, mostly at their charge, made a tar kiln, 
which turned out to no advantage. . • 



200 A True and Historical Narrative^ Sfc. 

in town ; for boards of all kinds could always be bought in 
Carolina, for half the price that they were able to sell them at ; 
but few were capable to commission them fiom thence, and 
those who were so, were prevented from doing it, upon pre- 
tence of discouraging the labor of white people in Georgia. 
Those who had numbers of servants and tracts of land in 
the county, went upon the planting of corn, peas, potatoes, 
&c., and the charge of these who succeeded the best, so' far 
exceeded the value of the produce, that it would have saved 
three fourths to have bought all from the Carolina market. 
The falling of timber was a task very unequal to the strength 
and constitution of white servants ; and the hoeing the 
ground, they being exposed to the sultry heat of the sun, in- 
supportable ; and it is well known that this labor is one of 
the hardest upon the negroes, even though their constitu- 
tions are much stronger than white people, and the heat no 
way disagreeable nor hurtful to them ; but in us it created 
inflammatory fevers of various kinds, both continued and in- 
termittent ; wasting and tormenting fluxes, most escruciating 
colics, and dry belly-aches ; tremors, vertigoes, palsies, and 
a long train of painful and lingering nervous distempers, 
which brought on to many a cessation both from work and 
life; especially as water without any qualification was the 
chief drink, and salt meat the only provisions that could be 
had or afforded. And so general were these disorders, that 
during the hot season, which lasts from March to October, 
hardly one half of the servants and working people, were 
ever able to do their masters or themselves the least service ; 
and the yearly sickness of each servant, generally speaking, 
cost his master as much as would have maintained a negro 
for four yeas. These things were represented to the trus- 
tees in the summer 1735, in a petition for the use of ne- 
groes, signed by about seventeen of the better sort of people 
in Savannah. In this petition there was also set forth the 
great disproportion betwixt the maintenance and clothing, of 
white servants and negroes. This petition was carried to 
England and presented to the trustees, by Mr. Hugh Stirling, 
an experienced planter in the colony, but no regard was had 
to it, or to what he could say, and great resentment was even 
shown to Mr. Thompson, the master of the vessel in which 
it went. 

Whilst we labored under those difficulties in supporting 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 201 

ourselves, our civil libei'ties received a more terrible shock ; 
for instead of such a free government as we had reason to 
expect, and of being judged by the laws of our mother coun- 
try, a dictator* (under the title of bailiff and store-keeper, 
was appointed and left by Mr. Oglethorpe, at his departure, 
which was in April, 1734) whose will and pleasure were the 
only laws in Georgia. In regard to this magistrate, the oth- 
ers were entirely nominal, and in a manner but ciphers. 
Sometimes he would ask in public their opinion, in order to 
have the pleasure of showing his power by contradicting 
them. He would often threaten juries, and especially when 
their verdicts did not agree with his inclination or humor. 
And in order the more fully to establish his absolute authority, 
the store and disposal of the provisions, money, and pub- 
lic places of trust, were committed to him ; by which altera- 
tion in his state and circumstances, he became in a manner 
infatuated, being before that a person of no substance or 
character, having come over with Mr. Oglethorpe amongst 
the first forty, and left England upon account of something 
committed by him concerning his majesty's duties. How- 
ever, he was fit enough for a great many purposes, being a 
person naturally proud, covetous, cunning and deceitful, and 
would bring his designs about by all possible ways and 
means. 

As his power increased, so did his pride, haughtiness and 
cruelty; insomuch that he caused eight freeholders with an 
officer, to attend at the door of the court every day it sat, 
with their guns and bayonets, and they were commanded, 
by his orders, to rest their firelocks as soon as he appeared ; 
which made people in some manner afiaid to speak their 
minds, or juries to act as their consciences directed them. 
He was seldom or never uncovered on the bench, not even 
when an oath was administered ; and being perfectly intoxi- 
cated with power and pride, he threatened every person 
without distinction, rich and poor, strangers and inhabitants, 
who in the least opposed his arbitrary proceedings, or claimed 
their just rights and privileges, with the stocks, whipping- 
post and log-house, and many times put those threatenings 
into execution ; so that the Georgia stocks, whipping-post 
and log-house, soon were famous in Carolina, and every 

* Mr. Tlionias Causton. 

VOL. II. 26 



202 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

where in America, where the name of the Province was 
heard of, and the very thoughts of coming to the colony be- 
came a terror to people's minds. And now the province of 
Caiolina, who had, in private and public donations, given us 
upwards of 1300/. sterling, seeing these things and how 
the public mone}^ was thrown away, began to despise 
the colony, and out of a regard to the welfare of their fel- 
low creatures, persuaded everybody they could from settling 
in it. That this absolute power might be exercised without 
the least interruption, the other magistrates were such, that 
they either were unable or incapable to oppose it. It is true, 
in December 1734, Mr. Causton met with a little interrup- 
tion ; for the Trustees then sent over to Savannah one Mr. 
Gordon as chief magistrate, who being a person of a very 
winning behavior, aflable and fluent in speech, soon got the 
good will of every body, and a great many of the people laid 
their grievances and hardships open to him, which seeined a 
little to eclipse Mr. Causton; but he soon found out an expe- 
dient to remove this adversary, viz., by refusing him provis- 
ions from the store, which in a little time rendered him inca- 
pable to support himself and family, whereby he was obliged, 
after about six weeks' stay, to leave the place, in order, as he 
said, to represent our grievances to the Trustees, and soon 
after returned to London; but he did not perform his pi-om- 
ise, for what reason we shall not pretend to deteimine; and 
some time thereafter lie either resigned or was dismissed 
from his office of first bailiff, and Mr. Causton was appointed 
in his stead. As to Mr. Henry Parker, who was appointed 
third bailiff when Mr. Gordon came over, he was in the first 
place, a man who had nothing to support himself and large 
family but his day labor, which was sawing, and consequently 
as soon as his time was otherwise employed, he must be 
entii'ely dependent on the store for his subsistence. In the 
second place, he was a man of no educadon, so that Mr. 
Causton soon moulded him to his own liking, and infused 
into him what notions he pleased. Thirdly, he was and is an 
absolute slave to liquor, and he who plies him most with it 
(which Causton always took care to do, and whose example 
has been since followed by his successor Jones) has him, 
light or wrong, on his side. As to Mr. Christie the recorder, 
he was easily overruled by the other two; and the same 
practice was alwajs continued ; for he who was appointed 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^^c, 203 

third bailiff after Gordon's dismission or resignation, was one 
Darn, nigli seventy years of age, crazed both in body and 
mind, who died not long after his appointment, and his suc- 
cessor, R. Gilbert could neither read nor write; so that Caus- 
ton had never after Gordon's departure, any opposition made 
by the other magistrates to his arbitrary proceedings. If we 
should allow ourselves to enter into a detail of the particular 
instances of such proceedings, we should exceed much our 
proposed bounds; we shall therefore confine ourselves to 
two only, which may serve as a specimen of the many oth- 
efs. One is, that of Captain Joseph Watson. This person 
having incurred Mr. Causton's displeasure, was indicted for 
stiiring up animosities in the minds of the Indians, &c. tend- 
ing to the ruin and subversion of the colony. Upon his 
trial, the jury in their verdict found him guilty only of some un- 
guarded expressions, (although twice returned and hectored 
by ]Mr. Causton, who acted both as witness and judge in the 
matter) and verbally recommended him by their foreman to 
the mercy of the court, imagining or supposing he might be 
a lunatic ; however, as it afterwards appeared, it was repi'C- 
sented to the trustees that the jury found him guilty of lunacy 
in their verdict) w- hereupon he was immediately confined 
by Mr. Causton, (although sufficient bail was offered) and 
kept prisoner near three years, without any sentence. But, 
as we are informed this affair now lies before a proper judi- 
cature, we shall say no more of it. 

The other instance is that of Mr. Odingsell, who was an 
inhabitant of Carolina, and had been a great benefactor to 
the infant colony of Georgia, having given several head of 
cattle and other valuable contributions, towards the promo- 
ting it. This person having come to Savannah to see how 
the colony succeeded, after he had been there a few days, 
being abroad some time after it was night, as he was going 
to his lodgings was taken up in the street for a stroller, car- 
ried to the guard-house, and threatened with the stocks and 
whipping-post ; the terror and fright of which (he being a 
mild and peaceable man) threw him into a high fever with a 
strong delirium, crying out to every person who came near 
him, that they were come to carry him to the whipping-post; 
and after lying two or three days in this di.^tracted condition, 
he was carried aboard his boat in order to be sent home, and 
died in the way somewhere about Dawfuskee Sound. 



204 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

Thus, while the nation at home was amused with the fame 
of the happiness and flourishing of the colony, and of its 
being free from lawyers of any kind, the poor miserable set- 
tlers and inhabitants were exposed to as arbitrary a govern- 
ment as Turkey or Muscovy ever felt. Very looks were 
criminal, and the grand sin of withstanding, or any way op- 
posing authority, (as it was called, when any person insisted 
upon his just rights and privileges) was punished without 
mercy. Nevertheless, we bore all these things patiently, in 
full hopes that the trustees' eyes would soon be opened, and 
then our grievances be redressed, and still continued ex- 
hausting our substance in pursuing an impracticable scheme, 
namely, cultivating land to advantage in such a climate with 
white servants only, not doubting, but that the Parliament, 
who yearly repeated their bounty, would make up our dam- 
ages : but alas ! their bounty was applied in Georgia, rather 
to the hurt than benefit of the colony, as we shall here 
briefly relate. First, a light-house was set about ; but before 
tlie frame was erected it was almost half rotten, and has not 
been carried on any farther, nor never even covered, which 
has likewise greatly contributed to its decay ; and now that 
lofty fabric, so highly useful to vessels which make that coast, 
is either fallen or must fall very soon. Log-houses and pri- 
sons of various sorts, were built and erased successively, and 
most part of them were fitter for dungeons in the Spanish 
inquisition than British goals. Irons, whipping-posts, gib- 
bets,* &c. were provided, to keep the inhabitants in per- 
petual terror ; for innocence was no protection : and for some 
time there were more imprisonments, whippings, &c. of 
white people, in that colony of liberty, than in all British 
America besides. Corn-mills, saw-mills, public roads, trus- 
tees plantations, (as they were called) wells and forts, in 
different places, were all set about, but, as is evident from 
the event, with no design to serve the public, but only to 
amuse the world, and maintain some creatures who assisted 
in keeping their neighbors in subjection ; for {qw or none of 
these things were ever brought to perfection ; some of them 
were left off half finished, and of those that were finished, 
some were erased (being found of no service,) and others fell 
of themselves for want of proper care. To carry on the 

* It was a very usual thing; with General Oglethorpe, when any persons had 
incurred his displeasure, to threaten to haiio; iheni. 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 205 

manufactures of silk and wine, a garden was planted with 
mulberries and vines, which was to be a nursery to supply 
the rest of the province. But this was as far from answering 
the proposed end, as every thing else was; for it is situated 
upon one of the most barren spots of land in the colony, be- 
inj::only a large hill of dry sand. Great sums of money were 
thrown away upon it from year to year, to no purpose ; this 
was remonstrated to the trustees, and they seemed to be 
sensible of the error, and gave orders to choose another spot 
of 'ground ; but the ruling powers in Georgia took no notice 
thereof. And now, after so great time and charge, there are 
not so many mulberry trees in all the province of Georgia, as 
many one of the Carolina planters have upon their planta- 
tions ; nor so much silk made there in one year, as many of 
those planters do make : nor could they ever in that garden, 
raise one vine to the perfection of bearing fruit. And here it 

may be observed, that the silk Mr. O -pe carried over 

for a present to Queen Caroline, was most of it, if not all, 
made in Carolina. Though no proper measures were ever 
taken for advancing the silk and wine manufactures, yet pri- 
vate persons made several assays towards the culture of Eu- 
ropean grapes; but even such attempts met with no suitable 
encouragement from Mr. Oglethorpe, as will appear from the 
following fact. Abraham De Leon, a Jew, who had been 
many years a vineron in Portugal, and a freeholder in Savan- 
nah, cultivated several kinds of grapes in his garden, and, 
amongst others, the Porto and Malaga to great perfection ; of 
this he sent home an attested account to the Board of Trus- 
tees, proposing further, that if they would lend him, upon 
such security as he offered, two hundred pounds sterling, for 
three years without interest, that he would employ the said 
sum, with a further stock of his own, in sending to Portugal, 
and bringing over vines and vinerons ; and that he should be 
bound to repay the money in three years, and to have grow- 
ing within the colony forty thousand such vines, which he 
would furnish the freeholders with at moderate rates. 

The trustees were satisfied with the security, and accepted 
the proposal, and wrote him, that they had remitted the two 
hundred pounds by Mr. Oglethorpe for his use ; which he 
did not deny, when applied to by the said Leon for the sanie, 
but said that he could not advance more than twenty or thirty 
pounds, in regard he had other uses for the money ; and so 
that design dropped. 



206 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

In February, 1735-6, Mr. Og pe arrived in Georgia, 

for the second time, with great numbers of i)eople, in order 
to settle to the southward, where he soon after carried them. 
Upon the Island of St. Simons he settled a town, which he 
called Frederica ; and about five miles distance from thence, 
towards the sea, he placed the independent company which 
he removed from Port Royal in Carolina, their former station. 
On one of the branches of the Alatamaha he settled the High- 
landers in a village which was called Darien. Then he set- 
tled a fort on Cumberland, which he named St. Andrews; 
and some time after he caused a garrison of about fifty men 
to be placed upon a sandy island (without fresh water) in 
the mouth of St. John's River, opposite to a Spanish look- 
out, where possession was kept for about six months, and 
several fortifications built ; but at last he was obliged to aban- 
don it, after several people had lost their lives by the incon- 
veniences of the place, besides great sums of money thrown 
away in vain. ~ . 

Whilst things thus passed in the southern part of the pro- 
vince, Mr. Causton was not idle at Savannah ; and one would 
have thought, that he made it his particular design further to 
exasperate the people of Carolina. He stopped their boats 
who were going up to New-Windsor ; and not content with 
that, he caused them to be searched, and whatever rum was 
found therein, was directly staved, in pursuance of an Act, 
as he alleged, entitled. An Act against the importation of rum 
into the colony of Georgia. To complain of this, and to 
represent the bad state of the Indian trade, a committee from 
the Assembly of South Carolina arrived at Savannah in July 

1736, where Mr. Og pe then was. But their coming 

was of little consequence ; for after this the differences and 
animosities betwixt the two provinces rather increased than 
diminished ; and we shall only observe, that one thing is 

certain, that ever since Mr. Ogle pe intermeddled in the 

Indian trade, it ha^ decayed apace, and at this time is almost 
entirely good for nothing either to the one or the other 
province. 

' Thus while the province of Carolina resented the bad 
treatment they had met with from the leading powers in 
Georgia against the colony in general, the poor inhabitants 
were doubly unfortunate, being ill looked upon by their 
nearest neighbors and friends, for the actings of their Gov- 



A True and Historical Narrative, S^c. 207 

ernors, while they themselves were still the greatest sufferers 
by those very actings. 

Whilst Mr. O pe staid in Georgia, great complaints 

were made against the arbitrary proceedings of Mr. Causton ; 
but to no purpose : likewise several persons endeavored to 
show the impossibility of the colony's succeeding, according 
to its then present constitution : but if this was done in his 
hearing, he either always browbeat the person or evaded the 
discourse ; if by letters, he never made any answer to them, 
even although he had given public orders, that every perso^n 
should give in their grievances and complaints to him in 
writing, and that he w^ould consider and answer the same. 
But that we might not be entirely ignorant of his thoughts, 
Mr. Causton, who always spoke his sentiments, publicly de- 
clared that we had neither lands, rights or possessions ; that 
the trustees gave and that the trustees could freely take away. 
And again, when he was told that the light-house wanted a 
few spike nails to fasten some of its braces which were loose, 
and which might occasion the downfall of the whole fabric, 
he answered that he would say as Mr. Oglethorpe said, it 

might fall and be d d. Mr. Oglethorpe staid in Georgia 

until November 1736, most of which time he spent to the 
southward, and then embarked for Erigland, leaving Mr. 
Causton with the same authority he had formerly invested 
him with and in the same power he then exercised, and the 
colony under the same difficulties and hardships. 

In March thereafter we had advice of the Spaniards' in- 
tentions of attacking the colony from the Havana. This put 
the whole province in great consternation, especially the 
town of Savannah; they having neither fort, battery, or any 
other place to shelter themselves in, in case of any actual 
attack ; therefore they immediately set about building a 
wooden fort, and all sorts of people labored continually until 
it was in some measure finished ; only Mr. Causton never 
came to the work, but did all he could to retard it, making 
light of the information, although it was sent express by 
Commodore Dent, with a letter directed to the commander 
in chief of Georgia ; and has since been put out of all manner 
of doubt, the Spaniards having at that time four thousand 
men embarked and ready to sail, if an extraordinary accident 
had not prevented them.* People now seeing the little care 

* They were detained ei<rlit days at the Havana, by contrary winds ; (the land 
forces beinjr on board all that time) at the end of which there came orders from Old 
Spain to forbear hostilities, the Convention being then agreed upon. 



208 A True and Historical Narrative, )§'c. 

that was likely to be taken in case of a real attack ; and like- 
wise finding, to their cost, that the improvement of land was 
a vain and fruitless labor with white servants only, and with 
such restrictions and precarious titles, many began to with- 
draw and leave the colony, and very little was planted this 
season. 

And now to make our subjection the more complete, a new 
,-,07 kind of tyranny was this summer begun to be im- 
posed upon us ; for Mr. John Wesley, who had come 
over and was received by us as a clergyman of the Church 
of England, soon discovered that his aim was to enslave our 
minds, as a necessary preparative for enslaving our bodies. 
The attendance upon prayers, meetings and sermons incul- 
cated by him, so frequently, and at improper hours, inconsis- 
tent with necessary labor, especially in an infant colony, 
tended to propagate a spirit of indolence and of hypoc- 
risy amongst the most abandoned ; it being much easier 
for such persons, by an affected show of religion, and adhe- 
rence to Mr. Wesley's novelties, to be provided by his pro- 
curement from the public stores, than to use that industry 
which true religion recommends; nor indeed could the rev- 
erend gentleman conceal the designs he was so full of, hav- 
ing frequently declared, that he never desired to see Georgia 
a rich, but a religious*' colony. 

At last all persons of any consideration came to look upon 
him as a Roman Catholic, for which the following reasons 
seemed pretty convincing. 1st, Under an affected strict ad- 
herence to the Church of England, he most unmercifully 
damned all dissenters of whatever denomination, who were 
never admitted to communicate with him until they first gave 
up their faith and princi})les entirely to his moulding and di- 
rection, and in confirmation thereof declared their belief of 
the invalidity of their former baptism, and then to receive a 
new one from him. This was done publicly on the persons 
of Richard Turner, carpenter, and his son. Another instance 
was that of William Caff, who had once communicated, and 
always conformed to his regulations, but was at last found 
out by Mr. Wesley to have been baptized by a Presbyterian 
dissenter; the same thing was proposed to him, but Mr. Gaff 
not inclinable to go that length, was ever thereafter excluded 
from the communion. 

* According to his system. 



A True and Historical Narrative, See. 209 

2dly, While all dissenters (whereof a considerable number 
was in the colony) were thus unmercifully damned, and shut 
out from religious ordinances, contrary to that spirit of mod- 
eration and tenderness which the Church of England show 
towards them ; persons suspected to be Roman Catholics 
were received and caressed by him as his first rate saints. 

3(%, A third confirmation of this suspicion arose from his 
endeavors to establish confession, penance, mortifications, 
mixing wine with water in the sacrament, and suppressing 
in the administration of the sacrament, the explanation ad- 
joined to the words of communicating by the Church of 
England, to show that they mean a feeding on Christ by 
faith, saying, no more than " the body of Christ ; the blood 
of Christ ; " by appointing deaconesses, with sundry other 
innovations, which he called apostolic constitutions. 

4tJdy, As there is always a strict connection betwixt 
Popery and slavery ; so the design of all this fine scheme 
seemed to the most judicious, to be calculated to debase and 
depress the minds of the people, to break any spirit of lib- 
erty, and humble them with fastings, penances, drinking of 
w^ater, and a thorough subjection to the spiritual jurisdiction 
which he asserted was to be established in his person ; and 
when this should be accomplished, the minds of people w'ould 
be equally prepared for the receiving civil or ecclesiastical 
tyranny. 

All Jesuitical arts were made use of to bring the well con- 
certed scheme to perfection ; families were divided in parties ; 
spies were engaged in many houses, and the servants of 
others bribed and decoyed to let him into all the secrets of 
the families they belonged to ; nay, those who had given 
themselves up to his spiritual guidance (more especially wo- 
men) were obliged to discover to him their most secret ac- 
tions, nay even their thoughts and the subject of their dreams : 
at the same time he gave charge to juries ; gave his opinion 
in all civil causes that came before the court : nor could we 
imagine what all this would end in: complain we might; 
but to no purpose : and Mr. Causton and he went hand in 
hand. 

But the merciful providence of God disappoints frequently 
those designs that are laid deepest in human prudence. 

Mr. Wesly at this time repulsed Mrs. Sophia Williamson, 
niece to Mr. Causton, from the sacrament. This young 

VOL. II. 27 



210 A True and Historical Narrative ^ 8fc. 

lady was by her friends put under the ghostly care of Mr. 
Wesly ; who was pleased to make proposals of marriage to 
her : these she always rejected ; and in some little time mar- 
ried Mr. William Williamson, of Savannah, much contrary to 
Mr. Wesly's inclinations ; after the said marriage, Mr. Wesly 
used all means to create a misunderstandina; betwixt Mrs. 
Williamson and her husband, by persuading her, that Mr. 
Williamson had no right to regulate her behavior as to con- 
versing with him, or attending meetings as formerly ; but at 
last finding he could gain nothing upon her, and that Mr. 
Williamson had forbade him any conversation with his wife 
out of his presence, he took the aforesaid means, by repelling 
her from the Holy Communion, of showing his resentment. 
Mr. Williamson thought himself well founded in an action of 
damages ; and Mr. Wesly (being no longer supported by 
Mr. Causton, who was highly nettled at the affront put upon 
his niece, and could now declaim as fluently against spiritual 
tyranny as any person) was indicted before a grand jury of 
forty-four freeholders, and thirteen indictments were found 
against him ; one concerned Mr. Williamson and his spouse ; 
the others concerning the grievances we felt by his measures, 
and the exercise of his ecclesiastical functions, as above re- 
lated : these last were given in to, the magistrates, to be by 
them laid before the trustees, that these our grievances might 
in time coming, be properly redressed, (we having no other 
jurisdiction, either civil or ecclesiastical, that we could make 
application to ;) then the grand jury began to consider and 
think, that as it was not probable a greater number of th(i 
better sort of people could ever be legally met together ; so 
this was a fit time to represent their grievances and hard- 
ships to the trustees : which they did in the following manner. 



" An Abstract of the Representation of the Grand Jury of 
Savannah^ to the Honorable the Trustees. 

" We the grand jury, duly sworn on the 22d of the last 
month, and having divers matters laid before us, which we 
humbly conceive cannot pro})erly be presented to this court, 
because several of the said matters touch the proceedings of 
the magistrates of the said court, and contain sundry articles, 
setting forth many public necessities and hardships, which 



A True mid Historical Narrative, ^c. 211 

can only be remedied by your honors' authority : Therefore, 
we the said grand jury having examined several witnesses, 
do, upon our oaths, represent to your honors the following 
grievances, hardships and necessities. 

" That as the inhabitants of this town and county have 
been and are still subject to many inconveniences, for want 
of a body of the laws and constitutions of this province ; it 
being exceeding difficult in many cases, both for grand and 
petit juries, to discharge in a proper manner the great duties 
that are incumbent on them by their oaths ; so we hope your 
honors will assist us, that we may be enabled well and truly 
to execute our duties as aforesaid. 

" That Thomas Causton, by his arbitrary proceedings, hath 
endeavored to render the power and proceedings of grand 
juries ineffectual, especially this grand jury, by intruding 
upon it when inclosed and about business, and using the 
members thereof, with great haughtiness and ill nature, and 
threatening to dissolve them. 

" That the said Thomas Causton, by his office of store- 
keeper, hath the dangerous power in his hands of alluring 
weak-minded people to comply w-ith unjust measures, and 
also overawing others from making just complaints and rep- 
resentations to your honors ; and the known implacability of 
the said Causton, and his frequent threatening of such people, 
is to many weak-minded, though wdl disposed persons, a 
strong bulwark against their seeking redress, by making 
proper complaints and just representations to you their ben- 
efactors, patrons and protectors. 

" That the said Causton has made great advancements on 
provisions and goods sold out of the trustees' store to the 
inhabitants, contrary to Mr. Oglethorpe's promise when he 
first settled this colony, and contrary, as we apprehend, to 
your honors' good intentions, and greatly detrimental to the 
prosperity of the colony ; and that he hath refused to pay 
the public debts otherwise than in provisions at those dear 
rates, and sometimes bad and unwholesome, out of the public 
store, whereby the inhabitants were greatly distressed, and 
some have been obliged to leave the province. 

"That whereas one John White, wlio had been committed 
for felony, at the suit of William Aglionby, and he the said 
Aglionby was .bound to prosecute the same at next 
court : notwithstanding he the said White was removed be- 



212 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

fore that time by a warrant under the hand and seal of 
Thomas Christie, and as we think, by the advice and com- 
mand of Thomas Causton ; by which means we imagine the 
criminal has escaped justice, to the great encouragement of 
enormous offenders, contrary, as we conceive, to the laws of 
our country, the peace of our sovereign lord the king, his 
crown and dignity, and particularly to the welfare of this 
your colony. 

" That the said Causton did greatly discourage the inhabit- 
ants of this town and county, in the measures they had 
taken for the defence and safety of this place in the late 
alarm from the Spaniards ; for although almost every body, 
masters and servants, labored continually in making a fort to 
defend themselves, in case of necessity ; yet he the said 
Causton never came nigh the work, but by his words and 
behavior did all he could to prevent it ; until at last the peo- 
ple were obliged to leave off the work unfinished, contrary 
to the w^elfare and safety of this colony. 

" That the said Causton hath greatly prevented and dis- 
couraged the cultivation of lands, by his hindering people to 
settle on the tracts that were allotted to them by the trus- 
tees ; whereby several people have been greatly distressed, 
and some almost ruined, contrary (as we humbly conceive) 
to your honors good intention, and the principal part of your 
glorious undertaking;;;. 

" That the said Thomas Causton, in order to color his ille- 
gal proceedings, hath uttered words to this or the like pur- 
pose : — ' We do not stand upon our feet ; we do not know either 
our laws or liberties, nor what the trustees intend ; a magis- 
trate cannot act to strict forms, but may dismiss matters of 
petty felony in the easiest manner ; ' thereby claiming to him- 
self (as we humbly conceive) a dispensing power, fatal to""the 
Hberties of British subjects, and contrary, &c. 

" The want of public roads hath been greatly detrimental 
to many who have setdements at any distance from this 
place ; and some have lost, and are still liable to loose great 
part of their crops, through the difficulty of passing to and 
from their plantations. 

" That the great want of servants in this town and county 
doth render the freeholders thereof incapable of proceeding 
with proper vigor in the cultivating their lands^ and as the hon- 
orable James Oglethorpe, Esq. did generously promise, that 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 213 

your honors would be pleased to give this colony continual 
assistance, by sending over servants to the said freeholders 
at reasonable rates : therefore, we do, with all humility, lay 
before your honors the great and general want of servants in 
this town and county ; not doubting your timely assistance 
therein. 

" That the town of Savannah stands in the utmost need 
of having a good wharf and crane, for the conveniency of 
both strangers and inhabitants, they being at double pains 
and costs in landing and getting their goods up the bluff. 

" That the light-house of Tybee, which with great labor 
and (as w^e humbly conceive) vast expense to your honors, 
remains unfinished and uncovered ; by reason of which, that 
most necessary and lofty structure is subject to all the inju- 
ries of weather, and may totally decay if not in time pre- 
vented, which will be greatly detrimental to the trade, navi- 
gation and welfare of this colony. 

" That the inhabitants of this town and county are at vast 
expense in time of sickness, especially they who have most 
servants ; it being a general misfortune, that during the hot 
season of the year, hardly one half of the servants are able 
to do their masters any work, by reason of the violent sick- 
nesses ; which hath very much prevented the inhabitants 
from making improvements. 

"It is without the least personal resentment to Mr. Caus- 
ton, or any other person that we do, with the most profound 
respect and duty, lay before your honors the foregoing 
grievances, hardships and necessities ; and it is not the per- 
sons or personal infirmities of any of the magistrates we 
blame ; but such of their actions and words as (we humbly 
conceive) tends to the subversion of our laws and liberties ; 
and we are firmly persuaded, that Mr. Causton would not 
have impaneled this grand jury, on an affair that so nearly 
concerned him as that of his niece's did, if he had not be- 
lieved the several persons of this grand jury to be men of 
strict integrity, and no way prejudiced against him ; and as 
we the said grand Jury are, for the time being, appointed for 
the solemn representation of truth, we humbly hope your 
honors will consider this our representation, as proceeding 
from a strict, impartial and sound inquiry. 

"In witness, &c. This first day of September, 

1737." 



214 A True and Historical Narrative, $*c. 

The original of this was signed by all the forty-four, and 
sent home ; but was taken no notice of by the trustees for 
anything ever we heard ; and we hope it will appear evident 
to every judicious reader, that this jury was neither biased 
nor intimidated by Causton, to the prejudice of any person 
whatsoever, as Mr. Wesly asserts in his Journal, printed at 
Bristol, 1739. He likewise says, there were a professed 
atheist and deist in the number ; but for our parts we know 
of neither. But a man of Mr. Wesly 's pi-inciples, who 
makes no scruple of writing wilful falsehoods (as may be 
seen by any body that compares this narrative- with his Jour- 
nal,) and of damning every person of a contrary opinion 
with himself, may, without hesitation, give people what ap- 
pellations come in his head. However, this put an end to 
any further prosecution of Mr. Wesly's schemes, for soon 
after this he dej^arted the colony privately by night, and went 
to Charleston, and from thence to England. 

Mr. Wesly had address enough (as he says in his fore- 
mentioned Journal,) to persuade several persons who were 
members of the grand jury, to retract, (by some paper which 
he drew up for them to sign,) their former sentiments ; but 
this, if it was at all, proceeded entirely from the solemn as- 
surances which he gave them, that his main design home 
was to represent the grievances and oppressions which the 
poor colony labbred under ; and upon this account was 
charged with divers letters and papers from private persons, 
relating to the colony ; which he undertook faithfully to de- 
liver. But as we have since found, that all Mr. Oglethorpe's 
interest was employed to protect Mr. Wesly, it is no won- 
der those promises were never fulfilled ; nor indeed could it 
ever be ascertained, that even the private letters which he 
carried, were so much as delivered. 

On the other hand, Mr. Causton ever after bore a mortal 
hatred to the members of this grand jury, and took every op- 
portunity to show his resentment; and we doubt not but he 
prevailed upon three or foui- of them to a recantation, having 
either terrified or starved them into a compliance. But we 
bore these things the more patiently, as being satisfied the 
trustees were gentlemen who had our interest at heart, and 
who would hear and redress our gievances in due time ; and 

that Mr. O pe might still be a friend to the colony ; 

but at last we heard he had procured a regiment for its de- 



A True and Historical Narrative, S^'c. 215 

fence, of which he was made Colonel ; and that he was like- 
wise made General and Commander in Chief over all his 
Majesty's forces in South Carolina and Georgia. This news 
was confirmed by William Stephens, Esq., who was sent 
over as trustees' secretary, to represent the state and condi- 
tion of the colony as it really was, and to assist and consult 
with the magistrates. But Mr. Causton soon found the 
means to bring over the old gentleman to his interest, or at 
least to acquiesce in every thing he said or did ; for he had 
still the command of the cash and stores, and Mr. Stephens 
had nothing to live upon but his salary, which he could stop 
the payment of at pleasure ; so our secretary remained pas- 
sive until Causton's government ended. 

At last Mr. Oglethorpe comes over for the third time, in 
September, with the remainder of his regiment ; the other 
part having come with Colonel Cochran, in May. But alas ! 
this regiment was of no service, otherwise than to strengthen 
us in case of an attack ; for we could neither furnish them in 
clothes, provisions, nor any one thing they wanted. And to 
put us out of all hopes of bettering our condition, Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe was pleased to declare in the court-house of Savan- 
nah, that as long as he had any thing to do with the colony, 
there should neither be allowance of negroes nor alteration 
in the titles of land ; and if any such thing should happen, 
he would have no further concern with it. 'The people thus 
seeing there was no hope of redress, left the colony daily ; 
and the trustees' credit receiving a great shock by their re- 
fusing Mr. Causton's certified accounts, and an entire stop 
being put to the public store, many poor wretches died of 
hunger. For at this time Mr. Causton was turned out of 
all his places, and the store was ordered to be sold, in order, 
as was said, to pay off the trustees' debts. One Thomas 
Jones, a favorite of Mr. Oglethorpe, whose character we shall 
have occasion to give afterwards, was put in his place, as 
cash and store-keeper, only with a different title, viz., that of 
magazine-keeper ; for none but the trustees' servants were 
to be supplied from it. But the contrary soon appeared ; for 
the Sola bills that were sent over, were ordered to be issued 
out in the names of William Stephens, Esq., Mr. Thomas 
Christie, and Mr. Thomas Jones, or any two of them ; but 
the other two agreeing together, entirely excluded Christie, 
and paid them to whom and for what purpose they thought 



216 A True and Historical Narrative, 8fc. 

convenient. They bought New York cargoes, and any- 
other commodities that could be got in quantities, and put 
them into the magazine, where they were sold out by Jones 
in wholesale and retail, for ready money, at exorbitant rates. 
This trade they have carried on ever since, to their vast ad- 
vantage ; but to the no small distress of the poor people, who 
are obliged to give at the rate almost of cent, per cent, for 
their provisions. Thus under the color of no store, these 
two keep as open a one as ever Causton did ; and by having 
the public money at their disposal, the payment of all sala- 
ries and pensions coming through their hands, they are be- 
come as absolute; with this difterence, that Mr. Causton's 
power, in every respect, extended over the whole colony 
when it was most populous, and money most plenty ; but 
theirs seems only to affect the wretched remains of Savan- 
nah. 

We might have imagined, that the trustees were some- 
what moved with our repeated complaints, and that Mr. 
Causton's removal was owing thereto. But alas ! in this we 
were mistaken. Nothing (as ever we could understand,) 
was laid to his charge on our account ; and it was of small 
benefit to us, whether the mismanagement of money, which 
was the reason of his dismission, lies at his or Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe's door. And we cannot but here take notice that 
Mr. Causton's ctise fortifies the common observation, that 
those who prostitute themselves to carry on illegal and op- 
pressive schemes, when they have once stuck in the mire, 
they are forsaken by their employers, and despised by all the 
world besides. 

Mr. Oglethorpe staid not long at Savannah, his common 
residence being at Frederica, where they had, in imitation of 
us, built a few houses, and cleared some land ; but finding 
planting not answer, they left it off, and as soon as the regi- 
ment came, almost every body betook themselves to the 
keeping public houses ; and in this manner do the few that 
now remain live. 

All the public work being put a stop to, and clearing of 
land being found impracticable, by which most of us had 
ruined ourselves, we were in a miserable condition ; and all 
hope from Mr. Oglethorpe being at an end, we could hardly 
tell what to do. But still thinking the trustees might be 
ignorant or misinformed of the present condition of the col- 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 217 

ony, we at last resolved to set forth our grievances in a short 
and general representation, to be signed by all the freehold- 
ers in the colony, of which the following is an exact copy. 



" To the Honorable the Trustees for Establishing the Colony 
of Georgia in America. 

" 3fay it please your Honors ; 
""J** , " We whose names are underwritten, being all settlers, free- 
"""* ' holders and inhabitants in the province of Georgia, and being 
sensible of the great pains and care exerted by you in en- 
deavoring to settle this colony, since it has been under your 
protection and management, do unanimously join to lay be- 
fore you, with the utmost regret, the following particulars. 
But in the first place, we must beg leave to observe, that it 
has afforded us a great deal of concern and uneasiness, that 
former representations made to you of the same nature, have 
not been thought worthy of due consideration nor even of 
an answer. We have most of us settled in this colony in 
pursuance of the description and recommendation given of 
it by you in Britain ; and from the experience of residing 
here several years, do find that it is impossible that the 
measures hitherto laid down and pursued for making it a col- 
ony can succeed. None of all those who haVe planted their 
land have been able to raise sufficient produce to maintain 
their families in bread kind only, even though as much ap- 
plication and industry have been exerted to bring it about, as 
could be done by men engaged in an afTair on which they 
believed the welfare of themselves and posterity so much de- 
pended, and which they imagined required more than ordi- 
nary pains to make succeed ; so that by the accumulated 
expenses every year, of provisions, clothing and medicines, 
for themselves, families, and servants, several hath expended 
all their money, nay even run considerably in debt, and so 
been obliged to leave off planting and making further im- 
provements ; and those who continue are daily exhausting 
more and more of their money, and some daily increasing 
their debt, without a possibility of being reimbursed, accord- 
ing to the present constitution. This being now the gen- 
eral state of the colony, it must be obvious that people can- 
not subsist by their land, according to the present establish- 
voL. II. 28 



218 A True and Historical Narrative^ ^-c. 

ment ; and this being a truth resulting from trial, practice and 
experience, cannot be contradicted by any theoretical scheme 
or reasoning. The land, then, according to the present con- 
stitution, not being capable to maintain the settlers here, they 
must unavoidably have recourse to and depend upon trade. 
But to our woful experience likewise, the same causes that 
prevented the first, obstruct the latter ; for though the situa- 
tion of this place is exceeding well adapted for trade, and if 
it was encouraged, might be much more improved by the 
inhabitants, yet the difficulties and restrictions which we 
hitherto have and at present do labor under, debar us of that 
advantage. Timber is the only thing we have here which 
we might export, and notwithstanding we are obliged to fall 
it in planting our land, yet we cannot manufacture it for a 
foreign market but at double the expense of other colonies ; 
as for instance, the river of May, w^hich is but twenty miles 
from us, with the allowance of negroes, load vessels with that 
commodity at one half of the price that we can do; and 
what should induce persons to bring ships here, when they 
can be loaded with one half of the expense so near us ; 
therefore the timber on the land is only a continual charge 
to the possessors of it, though of very great advantage in all 
the northern colonies, where negroes are allowed, and conse- 
quently, labor cheap. We do not in the least doubt but 
that in time, silk and wine may be produced here, especially 
the former ; but since the cultivation of land with white ser- 
vants only, cannot raise provisions for our families as before 
mentioned, therefore it is likewise impossible to carry on 
these manufactures according to the present constitution. It 
is very well known, that Carolina can raise every thing that 
this colony can, and they having their labor so much cheaper 
will always ruin our market, unless we are in some measure 
on a footing with them ; and as in both, the land is worn out 
in four or five years, and then fit for nothing but pasture ; we 
must be always at a great deal more expense than they in 
clearing new land for planting. The importation of the 
necessaries of life come to us at the most extravagant rate ; 
merchants in general, especially of England, not being willing 
to supply the settlers here with goods upon commission, be- 
cause no person here can make them any security of their 
lands or improvements, as is very often practised in other 
places to promote trade, when some of the employer's money 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 219 

is laid out in necessary buildings and improvements fitting 
for the trade intended, without which it cannot be carried on. 
The benefit of importation, therefore, is all to transient per- 
sons, who do not lay out any money amongst us, but on the 
contrary, carry every penny out of the place ; and the chief 
reason for their enhancing the price, is because they cannot 
get any goods here, either on freight or purchase, for another 
market. It' the advantage accruing from importation centered 
in the .inhabitants, the profit thereof would naturally circulate, 
amongst us, and be laid out in improvements in the colony. 
Your honors, we imagine, are not insensible of the numbers 
that have left this province, not being able to support them- 
selves and families any longer ; and those still remaining, 
who had money of their own and credit with their friends, 
have laid out most of the former in improvements, and lost 
the latter for doing it on such precarious tides. And upon 
account of the present establishment, not above two or three 
persons, except those brought on charity and servants sent 
by you, have come here for the space of two years past, 
either to settle land or encourage trade, neither do we hear 
of any such likely to come until we are on better terms. It 
is true, his Majesty has been graciously pleased to grant a 
regiment for the defence of this province and our neighbor- 
ing colony, which, indeed, will very much assist us in defend- 
ing ourselves against all enemies ; but otherwise does not in 
the least contribute to our support ; for all that part of their 
pay which is expended here, is laid out with transient people, 
and our neighbors in CaroUna, who are capable to supply 
them with provisions and other necessaries at a moderate 
price, which we, as before observed, are not at all capable to 
do upon the present establishment. This, then, being our 
present condition, it is obvious what the consequences must 
be. 

"But we for our parts have entirely relied on and confided 
in your good intentions, believing you would redress any 
grievances that should appear ; and now, by our long expe- 
rience, from industry and continual applicadon to improve- 
ment of land here, do find it impossible to pursue it, or even 
to subsist ourselves any longer, according to the present 
nature of the consdtution ; and likewise believing you will 
agree to those measures that are found from experience ca- 
pable to make this colony succeed, and to promote which 



220 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

we have consumed our money, time and labor; we do, from 
a sincere regard to its welfare, and in duty both to you and 
ourselves, beg leave to lay before your immediate considera- 
tion, the two following chief causes of these our present 
misfortunes, and this deplorable state of the colony, and 
which, we are certain, if granted, would be an infallible 
remedy for both. 

" 1st. The want of a free dtle or fee-simple to our lands ; 
which if granted, would both induce great numbers of new 
settlers to come amongst us, and likewise encourage those 
who remain here, cheerfully to proceed in making further 
improvements, as well to retrieve their sunk fortunes as to 
make provisions for their posterity. 

"2d. The want of the use of negroes, with proper limita- 
tions ; which if granted, would both occasion great numbers 
of white people to come here, and also render us capable to 
subsist ourselves, by raising provisions upon our lands, until 
we could make some produce fit for export, in some measure 
to balance our importation. We are very sensible of the in- 
conveniences and mischiefs that have already, and do daily 
arise from an unlimited use of negroes ; but we are as sensi- 
ble, that these may be prevented by a due limitation, such as 
so many to each white man, or so many to such a quantity of 
land, or in any other manner which your Honors shall think 
most proper. 

" By granting us, gentlemen, these two particulars, and such 
other privileges as his Majesty's most dutiful subjects in 
America enjoy, you will not only prevent our impending ruin, 
but, we are fully satisfied, also will soon make this the most 
flourishing colony possessed by his Majesty in America, and 
your memories will be perpetuated to all future ages, our 
latest posterity sounding your praises, as their first founders, 
patrons and guardians ; but if, by denying us these privileges, 
we ourselves and families are not only ruined, but even our 
posterity likewise, you will always be mentioned as the cause 
and authors of all their misfortunes and calamities ; which we 
hope will never happen. We are, 

with all due respect, 
Your Honors' most dutiful 
and obedient servants. 

" Savannah, 9th December, 1738. 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 



221 



Henry Parker, ^ 

his I 

Robert R G Gilbert, } 
mark j 

Thomas Christie, J 
John Fallowfield, 
John Brownfield, 
William Woodroofe, 
Patrick Tailfer, 
Andrew Grant, 
Robert Williams, 
Samuel Mercer, 
Patrick Grhame, 
David Douglass, 
Thomas Bailie, 
Hugh Anderson, 
James Williams, 
Edward Jenkins, 
Thomas Ormston, 
Joseph Wardrope, 
George Bunckle, 
Adam Loyer, 
Peter Joubart, 
John Burton, 
Robert Hows, 
William Meers, 
Thomas Salter, 
James Bailow, 
James Anderson, 
William Greenfield, 
Christopher Greenfield, 
Thomas Young, sen. 
Heni-y Green, 
Peter Tector, 
Hugh Frazer, 
John Sal lie, 
James Carwells, 
John Lyndall, 
Joseph Fitzwater, 
Elisha Foster, 
Walter Fox, 
John Penrose, 
David Snook, 
Edward Townsend, 
John Desborough, 

Gorsand, 

Andrew Duchee, 
James Gallway, 
John Kelly, 
Joseph Stanley, 
Thomas Young, 
Thomas Cross, 



Thomas Trip, 
Samuel Holms, 
James Muer, 
William Parker, 
John Grhame, 
James Papot, 
John Smith, 
William Calvert, 
Stephen Marrauld, 
Richard Mellechamp, 
Isaac Young, sen. 
James Dormer, 
William Carter, 
Henry MouUon, 
Jacob Watts, 
Henry Manley, 
Samuel Parker, 
Stephen Mounfoord, 
David Gender, 
James Chainsae, 
James Landry, 
Lewis Stamon, 
William Starflichet, 
Simon Ri^uwere, 
John Young, 
Samuel Lacy, 
Peter Baillow, 
Peter Emry, 
William Elbert, 
James Houston, 
Isaac Young, 
Robert Hanks, 
Archibald Glen, 
Thomas Neal, 
Stephen Tarrien, 
James Smith, 
Samuel Ward, 
Pierre Morelle, 
John Desborough, jun. 
Edward Bush, 
Benjamin Adams, 
Charles Britain, 
John Rae, 
William Coltbred, 
Thomas Wattle, 
Thomas Bailie, 
James Corneck, 
James Burnside, 
John Teasdale, 
Giles Becou, 
Francis Brooks, 
John Clark, 



222 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

Richard Davis, George Rush, 

Thomas Tibbet, Andrew Walker, 

James Dean, John Miller, 

Donald Stewart, Thomas Andrews, 

John Dudding, William Sterling, 

William Ewen, Thomas Gantlet, 

Henry Loyd, Richard Rogers. 
John Amory, In all 117. 



This representation was signed with the greatest wilhng- 
ness by the above one hundred aud seventeen freeholders 
in the county of Savannah, and only a very few of the Gen- 
eral's favorites declined to subscribe the same, so strong ap- 
peared to all of them the truths therein contained, and the 
absolute necessity of such an application. The Jews applied 
for liberty to sign with us ; but we did not think it proper to 
join them in any of our measures. We likewise did not 
allow widows and orphans to subscribe ; because, as the 
representation contained the absolute necessities of the col- 
ony, it might be objected to us, that they were no proper 
judges. As for the people of Ebenezer, the subscribers did 
particularly appoint some of their number to wait upon Mr. 
Boltzius, their pastor, and to show him the representation, 
which was done ; and Mr. Boltzius declared, that the Saltz- 
burghers were equally dissatisfied with their rights and re- 
strictions as the other freeholders, and he doubted not their 
willingness to join in petitioning for redress, engaging to con- 
sult them, and to bring their answer, which he never did ; 
and being thereafter questioned thereupon by Mr. Anderson, 
(one of the persons commissioned to commune with him as 
is above related,) in the presence of several gentlemen, he, 
the said Boltzius, after some frivolous excuses, confessed, 
that the honorable Mr. Oglethorpe had both given them sat- 
isfaction, and engaged him to write home to Germany for a 
further supply of his countrymen. 

This gentleman (we observe it with regret,) has been 
made the instrument of imposing upon many British subjects, 
by publishing journals and letters (to which we refer,) most 
inconsistent with truth. 

Neither did we admit of servants to sign the same, lest it 
should be objected, that they were under the influence of 
their masters. By this our conduct it will appear to every 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 223 

person of impartiality, how far we were from using arts* to 
extort by clamor a redress of our grievances. 

A copy of the representation was immediately sent to 
Frederica, and another to Darien. The last was sent to Mr. 
John More M'Intosh, and under the same cover a letter to 
Mr. Benjamin M'Intosh. But the first kept up the other's 
letter, and sent his own with the representation to the Gen- 
eral, who immediately despatched Lieutenant George Dunbar 
(who speaks the Highland language, and has a very fluent 
and artful way of talking,) who, with the assistance of More 
M'Intosh, and promises to the poor people of cattle, (which 
they afterwards got,) with several other considerations, soon 
persuaded them to sign a paper, the design of which, they 
were told, was to oppose the people of Savannah, who being 
enemies to the General, were petitioning against him. As 
for their leader M'Intosh, he was immediately set up in a 
store, and plentifully supplied with all kinds of goods, and 
has often declared, that if, by acting as he did, he could live 
well himself, he did not care what became of the rest of the 
colony ; and as for his children, they might go wander in the 
woods with the Indians. As soon as it was heard that the 
representation was come to Frederica, the inhabitants were 
called together, and told that the people of Savannah were 
going to throw off the government of the trustees, and had 
associated together for that purpose ; and therefore advised 
them to beware of any snare that might be laid by these 
people, which if they were caught in would ruin them. And 
thus was the design of the representation quashed both in 
Darien and Frederica. Some time after this a copy of the 
representation was sent to Mr. Oglethorpe, together with the 
following letter, which was wrote by an anonymous author, 
which we think is partly an explanation of the representation, 
and likewise a true view of the situation of the colony at that 
time, with the character Mr. Oglethorpe then bore in it ; and 
for these reasons we here insert it. It was directed, 

" To the Honorable James Oglethorpe, Esq., General and 
Commander in Chief over all his Majestifs Forces in South 
Carolina and Georgia, ^-c. at Frederica. 

" Sir, — It is the common misfortune of all who act in the 

* Vide trustees' answer, i 



224 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

higher stations of life, to be surrounded with flatterers, who 
consult rather the humors, passions and prejudices of their 
patrons, than their honor and interest. This should induce 
every person in such station, who regards his own honor, 
interest or fame, to lend an open and attentive ear to truth, 
in whatever shape, or from whatever hand delivered. I who 
use this freedom with your Excellency, being an anonymous 
author, have no other bias, motive or interest in view, further 
than as I am a member of the colony, and a well-wisher to 
the happiness of society, unless a real and sincere regard to 
your honor and welfare, and an earnest desire to restore you 
to that quiet of mind and the now suspended affections of 
the people, which the present state of affairs must necessa- 
rily deprive you of; it is not, therefore, of consequence to 
inquire who writes, but what is wrote. I am, sir, a plain 
dealer, and shall, with the greatest respect, use you with 
more sincerity than ceremony ; and if my arguments can 
attain the desired effect, you will, I doubt not, think me your 
and the colony's real friend. When a skilful physician would 
relieve his patient of a disease, he traces it from the begin- 
ning, and examines the sources and progress of it, in order 
that by finding out the cause, he may the more certainly 
apply a remedy. In the body pohtic the same process is 
necessary to effect a cure. The present languishing and 
almost desperate condition of the affairs of this province, is 
too obvious to your Excellency to need a description. Be 
pleased then, laying aside prepossession and prejudice, to re- 
tire unto yourself, and examine impartially whence the 
present misfortunes take rise, in order to which, let me pre- 
sent your Excellency with a view of the nation's designs in 
establishing this colony ; and indeed they were and are 
nothing unsuitable to a British or Roman spirit, to wit ; the 
establishing a strong and numerous settlement as a barrier 
and safeguard of British America ; to employ those persons 
in effecting this end who were least useful at home, and 
others who fi'om the reasonableness of the proposals, should 
voluntarily proffer their service ; to restore liberty and hap- 
piness to those who, oppressed by the common misfortunes 
of mankind, were groaning under the consequences of those 
misfortunes, and incapable to serve themselves or country at 
home ; and lastly, to set afoot such new manufactures as 
might be most useful to support the colony, or tend to rectify 



A True and Historical Narrative, Sfc. 225 

the balance of trade of Great Britain with neighboring na- 
tions. A design truly great, founded on the justest policy, 
and practicable. To suggest that any low private design 
was ever laid down, that might tend to make the adventur- 
ers slaves, or, at best, tenants at will ; or that it was a concert 
to leave the industry and substance of the settlers exposed 
to satisfy the ambition or covetousness of an after governor, 
or any particular courtier or party ; or to imagine that the 
honorable board of trustees, or any of them, could be capa- 
ble of such a concert ; I say, sir, that such a thought were 
impious. What wonder then, if numbers of persons, en- 
couraged by his Majesty's most ample rights and privileges 
granted in his royal charter to the honorable trustees, for the 
behalf of the inhabitants ; fi'om the beautiful description of 
the fertility of the soil, and happiness of the climate ; and 
lasUy, from a view that Mr. Oglethorpe, a gentleman of the 
greatest humanity and generosity, was willing to sacrifice his 
ease, and all those pleasures and enjoyments which his easy 
circumstances of life entitled him to, in order to be the pa- 
tron and father of the distressed, and the distinguished friend 
of his country, society and human nature ; I say, sir, no 
wonder if numbers, upon those views, embarked their per- 
sons, families and fates in such an adventure. Shall any 
thing then intervene to render such a noble design abortive, 
and frustrate those of their expected happiness, or your Ex- 
cellency of your deserved honor? God forbid! 

" This colony consists of two sorts of people ; either those 
whom the public sent over and supported, or volunteers,* 
who were not burthensome to the public ; both now I look 
upon in the same light ; as either party have exhausted their 
support or private stocks, in endeavoring to prosecute the 
intended plan ; but it shall suffice for my argument, that so 
many of each kind have applied themselves to this purpose, 
as are sufficient to confirm the experiment, that it is impossi- 
ble for us with British or foreign servants, to afford the lowest 
necessaries of life, much less to increase our stocks, or defray 
the many exigencies and disappointments that this soil and, 
climate are inevitably exposed to. This I take to be granted ; 
and would to God the success of the colony depended on the 
laying the most satisfying proof of it ! And as for persons 

* By this word was meant those persons who settled in Georgia upon their own 
expense. 

VOL. II. 29 



226 A True and Historical Narrative, ^-c. 

who, from selfish views, have imposed upon the credulity of 
the honorable trustees, by representing things in colors dis- 
tant from truth, it were superfluous to curse them. I do not 
say, but in time manufactures may be founded more suitable 
to the strength and constitution of British servants, that 
might support and enrich the colony ; I heartily pray for that 
happy period ; and should then condemn and dissent from 
any who would not be content with the present regulation ; 
but as in the interim production of necessaries is absolutely 
requisite, and under the present establishment impracticable, 
it follows of course, that either the scheme must be altered, 
or the design abandoned. At the first it was a trial, now it 
is an experiment ; and certainly no man or society need be 
ashamed to own, that from unforeseen emergencies their 
hypothesis did misgive ; and no person of judgment would 
censure for want of success where the proposal was proba- 
ble ; but all the world would exclaim against that person or 
society who, through mistaken notions of honor or positive- 
ness of temper, would persist in pushing an experiment con- 
trary to all probability, to the ruin of the adventurers. How 
many methods may be found out by the wisdom of the trus- 
tees, for remedying this inconvenience, I know not; one only 
occurs to me, which is, the admitting a certain number of 
negroes, sufficient to ease the white servants from those la- 
bors that are most fatal to a British constitution. I am very 
sensible of the inconveniences of an unlimited use of them 
in a frontier colony ; but am as sensible, that those incon- 
veniences may be prevented by prudent regulations ; and 
their admission for executing the more laborious parts of cul- 
ture made the means to attract numbers of white servants, 
who would otherwise fly the place as a purgatory or charnel- 
house. If our labor and toil is not capable of producing 
mere necessaries by cultivation of land, much less by trade ; 
for as all the neighboring colonies, by reason of their ne- 
groes, prosecute all branches of it at a sixth part of the 
expense w^e can, they would forever preclude us of any 
benefit therefrom. And supposing, what cannot be admitted, 
that the nation would consent to give a perpetual fund for 
making up all those deficiencies, what benefit could ever ac- 
crue to the nation ? or what to the settlers but a present bare 
sustenance ? and what the certain consequence but the be- 
queathing a numerous legacy of orphans to the care of 



A True mid Historical Narrative, ^c. 227 

Providence, since no period of time can be affixed when such 
a support would enable us to provide for ourselves ? A 
second reason which disables us to improve either by land 
or trade, is our want of credit. You know very well that both 
the mercantile and the mechanic part of mankind, live more 
by credit than stock ; and the man who has a probable 
scheme of improving credit, is naturally entitled to it. As we 
have no stock further to dispense, either in cultivation or 
trade, we are reduced to need the support of credit ; which 
the present restrictions of our legal rights and titles to our 
land deprive us of. It is true, indeed, the trustees have assured 
us, that those and other restrictions are only temporary, and 
for the welfare of the first settlement, until a proper body of 
laws, which was upon the carpet, should be perfected ; and 
I am far from disputing the reasonableness of that resolution, 
while either the public support or private stocks kept us from 
needing credit ; but that now the case is altered, the neces- 
sity of removing those restrictions is arrived, to preserve the 
remains of the colony not yet dissolved, and far too late for 
hundreds whom necessity has dispersed in other corners of 
the world : this is a truth, sir, too obvious to need further 
enlargement. 

" Hence it is clear, we can insist on demanding our privi- 
leges as British subjects, from the trustees' promises; but we 
likewise claim them as law, justice and property. Your Ex- 
cellency was pleased in the court house of Savannah to use 
a comparison to satisfy the minds of the people, of a man 
who would lend his horse but not his saddle, which one re- 
fusing another accepted of. This, I humbly take it, no ways 
meets the case ; the king's majesty was owner both of horse 
and saddle, of lands and rights, and gave us both in his 
charter ; we ask but what is there given us. The reliance 
on the public faith brought us to this colony ; and to en- 
deavor to obviate or disappoint the effects of those promises 
which tempted us here, were to justify the decoying us to 
misery, under the sanction of the royal authority, than which 
nothing could be more injurious to the fountain of honor. I 
shall suppose, that were full and ample rights given, that 
some idle persons, who had no judgment to value, or incli- 
nation to improve their properties, no affections for their fam- 
ilies or relations, might dispose of their rights for a glass of 
rum; but I absolutely deny, that the colony could lose by. 



228 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

such an exchange. I own such persons were much 
safer if bound, than at liberty ; but where the affection of 
the parent and the reason of the man die, the person is a 
fitter inhabitant for Moorfields than Georgia. I must notice 
further, that not only are parents incapable, for want of 
credit, to provide for themselves, being necessitated to dis- 
pose of their servants for want of provisions ; but if they 
could, only their eldest son could reap the benefit ; their 
younger children, however numerous, are left to be fed by 
Eim who feeds the ravens ; and if they have no children, 
their labor and substance descends to strangers. How, sir, 
could you, or indeed any free-born spirit, brook such a tenor? 
Are not our younger children and daughters equally entitled 
to our bowels and affections ? And does human nature end 
with our first-born, and not extend itself to the rest of our 
progeny and more distant relations? And is it not inverting 
the order of nature, that the eldest son should not only enjoy 
a double portion, but exclude all the younger children? and 
having an interest independent of the parents', how natural 
is it he should withdraw that obedience and subjection which 
proceeds from paternal authority and filial dependence ! The 
trustees are but a channel to convey to us the king's rights, 
and cannot in law or equity, and, I dare say, will not abridge 
those rights. Can we suppose that we are singled out for a 
state of misery and servitude, and that so many honorable 
personages are instruments of it ? Far be the thoughts from 
us! The genius of the British nation, so remaikably zeal- 
ous for liberty and the rights of mankind, will never suffer 
British subjects, who have not fled their country for crimes, 
but voluntarily proffered their service, and risked their all, 
upon the confidence of the public faith and the trustees' 
honor, to accomplish a settlement upon the most dangerous 
point of his majesty's dominions. 1 say, it will never allow 
such to be deprived of public promises of the natural liber- 
ties* of British subjects. As we are on a frontier, where 
our lives and fortunes may more frequently come into dispute 
than other people's ; our privileges and supports should be 
proportionably greater ; for who would venture his life to 
secure no property, or fight to secure to himself poverty and 
misery; and no doubt our cunning and vigilant adversaries, 
the French and Spaniards would know how to make their 
own advantage. The king has been very gracious, and your 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 229 

endeavors generous and useful, in procuring a regiment for 
our protection ; but let me add a truth equally certain, that 
only the flourishing of the colony can support that regiment ; 
and not only the support of the soldiers, but your own honor, 
glory and reputation are intermixed with the fate of the col- 
ony, and must stand or fall with it. 

" To come closer to the point, please to consider the con- 
sequences of refusing the representation of the colony, 
whereof your Excellency as one of the honorable board will 
be furnished with a copy, and how these consequences may 
affect the colony, the nation, the trustees, the military es- 
tablishment in this province, the Indians and your Excel- 
lency. 

"As to the colony, the deferring hitherto the necessary 
relief, has already too tragically affected it, by dispersing a 
great part of the inhabitants ; the remainder, in a languishing 
condition, supported more with faint hopes and a continued 
reliance on the honor of the nation and trustees, than vict- 
uals ; while want and meagre famine guard the door of 
many, and render them equally incapable to stay or go. The 
town, so beautifully situated to the honor of the contriver, 
bearing the most visible signs of decay and mortality before 
it is fully born ; and the once cultivated plantations now over- 
grown with weeds and brush, are so many hie jacets of such 
and such persons and families ! 1 wish it were possible to 
draw a veil over this tragic sc-ene ! But, sir, our case is more 
clamant than a thousand tongues, and will reach the ears 
and pierce the hearts of every true Briton. If such the 
effects of delay, what will the total dissolution of the colony 
produce ? Such a body of miserable people, orphans and 
suppliants, will be heard by the justice of the nation ; and if 
it shall appear, that the too positively adhering to an imprac- 
ticable scheme, and the refusing those obvious means that 
would answer the proposed end, or withholding those just 
rights which we are entitled to, have been the cause ; we 
should have right to recover damages from the authors of our 
miseries. In all places where settlements were attempted by 
the English, and found untenable, the settlers were taken 
home upon public charge, their losses recompensed, and they 
made otherwise useful to the community ; while we are 
neither allowed to do for ourselves here or elsewhere. As to 
the second point, how the nation would be affected by it ; it 



230 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

is first obvious, that all the noble ends and advantages they 
proposed are lost, and sums of money expended to no pur- 
pose but to inform the French and Spaniards of the import- 
ance of a pass which they would not fail to possess. It were 
impossible to make a second setdement upon the present 
plan ; and if it is to be altered in the favors of others, why 
not of us who have risked and spent our all in the adventure? 
How the trustees may be affected by it in all respects, I shall 
not say ; a parliamentary inquiry into their management, I no 
ways question but they could entirely satisfy ; but all good 
men will regret, that so honorable a body should lose that 
glory and fame which the prosperous success of the colony 
would have crowned them with. I have formerly asserted, 
that only the flourishing state of the colony can support the 
military ; and indeed without a colony, it were easier to 
maintain a garrison in Tangier, on the coast of Africa, than in 
the south of Georgia. One regiment would litUe suffice to 
withstand the enemy ; and yet so small a handful may be 
reduced to discontent, straits and wants, notwithstanding all 
the bounty of a king or prudence of a general. As to the 
Indians ; what could we expect less than being scorned and 
despised ? That they should immediately fall in with the 
tempting proffers of the French and Spaniards, and so Great 
Britain cut off from that valuable branch of the Indians' 
trade? For how indeed could they expect execution of 
treaties or protection from people who, without the force of 
any enemy, could not preserve their own schemes of govern- 
ment from falling to pieces ? How the tragedy must affect 
your Excellency would be presumption in me to determine: 
I only know, that to see those you honor with the name of 
children, in want and misery ; that settlement which should 
have perpetuated your name to posterity with the greatest 
honor ; become the foil of all your great undertakings ; and 
the expectations of all the world, from your promising en- 
deavors, setting in a cloud and obscurity ; must affect your 
Excellency in a way suitable to your human and generous 
disposition. 

" Sir, we still love, honor and respect you, (whatever low, 
selfish-minded persons, the bane of society, may surmise to 
the contrary) and will continue to do so, while we can have 
any hopes of your pursuing measures consistent with our 
prosperity. But, sir, smiles cannot be expected amidst dis- 



A True and Historical Narrative, 8i'c. 231 

appointments and wants ; and there is no altering the course 
of nature. Love and gratitude are the tribute of favors and 
protection, and resentment the consequence of injuries re- 
ceived ; and in disappointments of this nature much more 
reasonably than in those of love, do the contrary passions 
take place in the same degree. What then remains, 
but that you embrace those obvious measures, that will re- 
trieve our desperate affairs ; restore to us, in Mr. Oglethorpe, 
our father and protector ; whose honor and affection were de- 
pended upon ; secure to yourself a society that love and 
honors you, and who will always be ready to sacrifice both 
life and fortune to your honor and protection ; and your 
name with blessings will be perpetuated. If in this I have, 
by a sincere and well-meant freedom, given offence, I heartily 
ask pardon ; none was intended : and I only request, that, 
while truth keeps the stage, the author may be allowed to 
remain incog, behind the scenes. 

" I am, sir, your, &c. 

"THE PLAIN-DEALER." 

This year there was promised a bounty of two shillings 
sterling on every bushel of corn, and one shilling on every 
bushel of pease and potatoes, raised in the county of Savan- 
nah : this induced some few to plant ; but they were miser- 
ably deceived ; for few or none of them ever received their 
full bounty, and not many any part thereof, (although if they 
had received it twice over, it could not have answered the 
end.) People being thus by a chain of disappointments and 
miseries, most of them rendered incapable to subsist, and to- 
M^ard the end of this summer, beginning to despair of having 
any favorable answer to their representation, or hopes of re- 
dress, left the colony faster than ever ; and when the answer 
(or rather denial) came over, they went in such numbers 
that the whole province of South Carolina was overspread 
with them, and in and about the town of Charleston alone, 
this autumn, above fifty Georgians died in misery and want, 
most of whom were buried at the public charge. 

In September, a printed paper, entitled, an Answer to the 
Representation, &-c., was sent over, and arrived at Savannah : 
and of which this is an exact copy. 



232 A True and Historical Narrative, Sfc. 



" The Answer of the Trustees for establishing the Colony of 
Georgia, in America, to the Representation from the in- 
habitants of Savannah, the 9th of December, 1738, for 
altering the tenure of the lands, and introducing negroes 
into Georgia. 

"To the Magistrates of the town of Savannah, in the province of Georgia. 

" The trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in 
America, have received by the hands of Mr. Benjamin Ball 
of London, merchant, an attested copy of a representation, 
signed by you the magistrates, and many of the inhabitants 
of Savannah, on the 9th of December last, for altering the 
tenure of the lands, and introducing negroes into the pro- 
vince, transmitted from thence by Mr Robert Williams. 

" The trustees are not surprised to find unwary people 
drawn in by crafty men, to join in a design of extorting by 
clamor from the trustees an alteration in the fundamental laws, 
framed for the preservation of the people, from those very 
designs. 

"But the trustees cannot but express their astonishment, 
that you the magistrates, appointed by them to be guardians 
of the people, by putting those laws in execution, should so 
far forget your duty, as to put yourselves at the head of this 
attempt. 

" However they direct you to give the complainants this 
answer from the trustees, that they should deem themselves 
very unfit for the trust reposed in them by his majesty on 
their behalf, if they could be prevailed upon, by such an ir- 
rational attempt, to give up a constitution, framed with the 
greatest caution for the preservation of liberty and property ; 
and of which the laws against the use of slaves, and for the 
entail of lands, are the surest foundations. 

" And the trustees are the more confirmed in their opinion 
of the unreasonableness of this demand, that they have re- 
ceived petitions from the Darien, and other parts of the pro- 
vince, representing the inconvenience and danger, which 
must arise to the good people of the province from the in- 
troduction of negroes. And as the trustees themselves are 
fully convinced, that besides the hazard attending that intro- 
duction, it would destroy all industry among the white inhab- 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 233 

itants ; and that by giving them a power to alien their lands^ 
the colony would soon be too hke its neighbors, void of white 
inhabitants, filled with blacks, and reduced to be the preca- 
rious property of a few, equally exposed to domestic treach- 
ei-y, and foreign invasion ; and therefore the trustees cannot 
be supposed to be in any disposition of granting this request; 
and if they have not before this signified their dislike of it^ 
this delay is to be imputed to no other motives, but the hopes 
they had conceived, that time and experience would bring 
the complainants to a better mind. And the trustees readily 
join issue with them in their appeal to posterity, who shall 
judge between them, who were their best friends ; those, who 
endeavored to preserve for them a property in their lands, by 
tying up the hands of their unthrifty progenitors ; or they, 
who wanted a power to mortgage or alien them. Who were 
the best friends of the colony, those who with great labor 
and cost had endeavored to form a colony of his majesty's 
subjects, and persecuted protestants from other parts of Eu- 
rope, had placed them on a fruitful soil, and strove to secure 
them in their possessions, by those arts which naturally tend 
to keep the colony full of useful and industrious people, ca- 
pable both to cultivate and defend it ; or those, who, to 
gratify the greedy and ambitious views of a few negro mer- 
chants, would put it into their power to become sole owners 
of the province, by introducing their baneful commodity ; 
which, it is well known by sad experience, has brought our 
neighbor colonies to the brink of ruin, by driving out their 
white inhabitants, who were their glory and strength, to 
make room for black, who are now become the terror of their 
unadvised masters. 

" Signed by order of the trustees, 

this 20th day of June, 1739. 

" Benj. Martyn, Secretary.^' 

We shall not in this place detain the reader, to show the 
absurdity and insufliciency of the reasons made use of in the 
above paper, or how improperly it is called an answer to the 
representation ; but refer them to the whole tenor of this 
narrative. With this paper came over new commissions for 
magistrates, viz. Messrs. Thomas Christie, first, John Fal- 
fowfield, second, arid Thomas Jones, third, bailiffs, and Mr. 
William Williamson, recorder. And, as if the inhabitants 

VOL. II, 30 



234 A True and Historical Narrative, 8fc. 

had not been sufficiently punished before, by the arbitrary 
government of Causton, the two offices of store-keeper and 
magistrate were again joined in one person, which infallibly 
renders him (whoever he is) absolute in Savannah ; and in- 
deed, if the miseries and hardships of the people could have 
received any addition, they must have done so from the per- 
son appointed to execute those offices, namely, Mr. Thomas 
Jones, third baihff, as before mentioned,. who surpassed Mr. 
Causton in every thing that was bad, without having any one 
of his good qualifications ; and that he might the more easily 
govern at pleasure, Mr. Oglethorpe thought proper to super- 
sede the commissions of Messrs. Thomas Christie and Wil- 
liam Williamson, and continued Mr. Henry Paiker as first 
magistrate, being sure he was a person that would always be 
in the interest ot whoever was store-keeper, and having no 
other magistrate to cope with but Mr. Fallowfield, they were 
certain of overruling him, though his sentiments were never 
so just ; and when the General heard that some people 
justly complained, that the trustees' commissions were of 
none effect, he threatened an armed force if they refused to 
comply. 

William Stephens, Esq. ; Messrs. Thomas Christie and 
Thomas Jones, were likewise appointed to inspect into Caus- 
ton's accounts; but Christie was altogether rejected by the 
other two ; nor did they ever do any thing to the purpose ; 
indeed, Jones would sometimes hector and domineer over 
Causton, in as haughty a manner as ever he had formerly 
done over the meanest person in Savannah. 

Although the trustees say in their answer to the represen- 
tation, that they should think themselves very unfit for the 
trust reposed in them, should they by an irrational attempt 
alter the entail of lands ; yet not one month after we had 
received the aforesaid answer, over comes the following pa- 
per, viz. 



The Resolutions of the Trustees for establishing the Colo- 
ny of Georgia, in America, in Common Council assem- 
bled this 2Sth day of August, in the year of our Lord 
1739 ; relating to the grants and tenure of lands ivithin 
the said Colony. 

" Whereas the common council of the said trustees, as- 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 235 

sembled for that purpose, in the name of the corporation of 
the said trustees, and under their common seal, have, in 
pursuance of his majesty's most gracious letters patent, and 
in execution of the trusts thereby reposed in them, granted 
and conveyed divers portions of the lands, tenements and 
hereditaments in the said letters patent mentioned, to many 
of his majesty's loving subjects, natural born, and denizens, 
and others willing to become his subjects, and to live under 
allegiance to his majesty in the said colony, to hold to them 
respectively, and to the heirs male of their respective bodies, 
lawfully begotten, or to be begotten, under the several rents, 
reservations, conditions and provisos therein contained ; and 
whereas it hath been represented to the said trustees, that 
many of the persons to whom such grants havg been made, 
have no issue male of their respective bodies, and that an 
alteration in the grants and tenure of the said lands, upon 
failure of such issue, and likewise a known certain provision 
for the widows of tenants in tail male, would not only en- 
courage all such persons cheerfully to go on with their seve- 
ral improvements, but also be an inducement and means of 
inviting divers other persons to resort to, and settle in the 
said colony, and greatly tend to the cultivation of the lands, 
the increase of the people, and the defence, strength and 
security of the said colony; which the said trustees most 
earnestly desire to promote, as far as in them lies : It is 
therefore this day unanimously resolved by the common 
council of the said corporation, assembled for that purpose, 
that the grants of .lands or tenements within the said colony 
heretofore made and hereafter to be made by the said trus- 
tees to any person or persons whatsoever, shall be altered, 
made and established in manner and form following ; that is 
to say, that 

" If tenant in tail male of lands or tenements in the said 
colony, not having done or suffered any act, matter or thing, 
whereby his estate therein may be forfeited or determined, 
shall happen to die, leaving a widow and one or more child 
or children; that, then, and in such case, the widow of such 
tenant shall hold and enjoy the dwelling-house and garden 
(if any such there be) and one moiety of such lands and 
tenements for and during the term of her life; the said 
moiety to be set out and divided, in case the parties inter- 
ested therein do not agree within the space of three months, 



236 A True and Historical Narrative, ^-c. 

by the magistrates ot" the town-court in Georgia nearest 
thereunto, or any one of them. And in case such division 
be made by one of such magistrates only, then any person 
or persons finding him, her or themselves aggrieved thereby, 
may, within the space of three months, appeal to the other 
three magistrates of the said town-court, whose determina- 
don thereof shall be final. And if such tenant shall happen 
to die, leaving only a widow, and no child or children, then 
that such widow shall hold and enjoy the said dwelling- 
house, garden, and all such lands and tenertients, for and 
during the term of her life. And in case the widow of any 
such tenant, whether he die without issue by her or not, 
shall marry again after his decease, then such person to 
whom she shall be so married, shall, within the space of twelve 
months after such marriage, give security to the said trus- 
tees, and their successors, whether personal or otherwise, 
agreeable to such instructions as shall be given by the com- 
mon council of the said trustees, for maintaining and keeping 
in repair, during such marriage, the said dwelling-house, 
garden, and other the premises to which she shall be so en- 
tided in right of her former husband : and if such securit}'- 
shall not be given in manner aforesaid, within the space of 
twelve months after such marriage, that then, and in such 
case, the provision hereby made, or intended to be made for 
the benefit of such widow, shall cease, determine and be ab- 
solutely void, to all intents and purposes ; and the said 
dwelling-house and garden, and all and singular the prem- 
ises, shall be and enure to such child or children or to such 
other person or persons, who would be entitled to the same, 
in case the said widow was naturally dead. 

" And if tenant in tail male of lands or tenements in the 
said colony, not having done or suffered any act, matter or 
thing, whereby his or her estate therein may be forfeited or 
determined, shall happen to die, leaving one or more daugh- 
ter, or daughters, and no issue male ; then that such lands 
and tenements, if not exceeding eighty acres, shall be holden 
in tail male by any one of the daughters of such tenant ; and 
if exceeding eighty acres, by any one or more of the daugh- 
ters of such tenant in tail male, as such tenant shall by his or 
her last will and testament in writing, duly executed in the 
presence of three or more credible witnesses, direct and ap- 
point ; and in default of such direction or appointment, then 



A True and Historical Narrative, <^c. 237 

that such lands and tenements shall be holden in tail male by 
the eldest of such daughters ; and in default of issue male 
and female, either born in the life-time of such tenant in tail 
male, or within nine months after his decease, then that such 
lands and tenements, if not exceeding eighty acres, shall be 
holden in tail male by any one such person ; and if exceed- 
ing eighty acres, by any one or more such person or persons, 
as such tenant in tail male by his or her last will and testa- 
ment, in writings executed as aforesaid, shall direct and ap- 
point, and in default of such direction or appointment, then 
that such lands and tenements shall be holden in tail male by 
the heir at law of such tenant ; subject nevertheless, in all 
and every the said cases, to such right of the widow (if any) 
as aforesaid ; provided that such daughter or daughters, and 
all and every such person or persons so entitled to hold and 
enjoy any such lands and tenements, do within the space of 
twelve months after the death of such tenant, personally ap- 
pear, if residing in America, and claim the same in any of the 
town-courts in Georgia ; and if residing out of America, then 
within the space of eighteen months next after the death of 
such tenant. And provided also, that no devise or appoint- 
ment shall be made by any such tenant of lands exceeding 
eighty acres, in any lesser or smaller portion or parcel than 
fifty acres to any one daughter, or other person. And that 
no daughter, or other person shall be capable of enjoying any 
devise, which may thereby increase his or her former posses- 
sion of lands within the said colony, to more than five hun- 
dred acres ; but such devise to be void, and the lands thei-e- 
by given, to descend in such manner as if no such devise had 
been made. And in default of such appearance and claim, 
as aforesaid, that all and singular the said lands and tene- 
ments shall be and remain to the said trustees, and their 
successors for ever. Provided also, that all and every such 
estates hereby created or intended to be created, shall be 
subject and liable to the several rents, reservations, provisos 
and conditions, as in the original grants thereof are particu- 
larly mentioned and contained ; save and except so much 
thereof as is hereby altered, or intended to be altered, in 
case of failure of issue male, and the provision hereby made 
or intended to be made for widows. 

" And that in every grant hereafter to be made by the 
said trustees or their successors, of any lands or tenements 



238 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

in the said colony, all and every grantee therein named, not 
doing or suffering any act, matter or thing whereby his or 
her estate therein may be forfeited or detei-mined, shall have 
good right, full power, and lawful authority to give and de- 
vise the same by his or her last will and testament in writing, 
duly executed in the presence of three or more credible wit- 
nesses, in manner and form following ; that is to say, every 
grantee of lands not exceeding eighty acres, to any one son 
or any one daughter in tail male ; and every grantee of lands 
exceeding eighty acres, the whole, or any part thereof, but 
not in lesser lots or portions than fifty acres to any one de- 
visee, to his or her son or sons, daughter or daughters in tail 
male ; and in default of such devise as aforesaid, then that 
such lands and tenements shall descend to the eldest son in 
tail male ; and in default of issue male, to the eldest daugh- 
ter in tail male ; and in default of issue male and female, 
then that such lands and tenements shall be holden in tail 
male, if not exceeding eighty acres, by any one such person ; 
and if exceeding eighty acres, by any one or more such per- 
son or persons, but not in any smaller lot or portion than 
fifty acres to any one person as such grantee shall by his or 
her last will and testament in writing, executed as aforesaid, 
direct and appoint ; and in default of such direction or ap- 
pointment, then that such lands and tenements shall be holden 
in tail male by the heir at law of such grantee ; subject nev- 
ertheless to such right of the widow (if any) as aforesaid, 
provided always, that no son, daughter or other person shall 
be capable of enjoying any devise w'hich may thereby in- 
crease his or her former possession of land within the said 
colony, to more than five hundred acres ; but such devise to 
be void, and the lands thereby given, to descend in such 
manner as if no such devise had been made. Provided 
also, that such son or sons, daughter or daughters, and all 
and every such person or persons entitled to hold and en- 
joy any such lands and tenements, do within the space of 
twelve months after the death of such grantee, or of those 
under whom they claim, personally appear, if residing in 
America, and claim the same in any of the town courts in 
Georgia ; and if residing out of America, then within the 
space of eighteen months next after such death ; and in de- 
fault of such appearance and claim as aforesaid, that all and 
singular the said lands and tenements shall be and remain to 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 239 

the said trustees and their successors forever. And provided 
also, that all and every such estates shall be subject and liable 
to the like rents, reservations, provisos and conditions, as in 
the former grants of lands heretofore made, save and except 
so much thereof as is hereby altered, or intended to be 
altered, upon the failure of issue male. 

" And it is hereby required, that public notice of these 
resolutions be forthwith given by the magistrates of the re- 
spective town courts in Georgia, and also by the Secretary 
of the said trustees in London, that all and every the grantees 
of lands or tenements within the said colony, may enter their 
respective claims, either at the Georgia office, near Old 
Palace Yard, in Westminster, or in any of the town courts in 
Georgia, within the space of twelve months from the date 
hereof, to the end that they may receive the benefit hereby 
intended, and that proper grants and conveyances in the law 
may be forthwith prepared and executed for that purpose. 
And it is hereby expressly declared, that no fee or reward 
shall be taken for the entering of any such claim, directly or 
indirectly, by any person or persons whatsoever. 

" Signed by order of the said common council. 

"Benjamin Martyn, Secretary.''^ 

We believe this paper wall perplex most people, who have 
not thoroughly studied the law, to make sense of it ; and as 
there were no lawyers in Georgia, it would seem as if it had 
been sent over with no other end, than that it should not be 
understood ; and, indeed, it rather tended to add to the con- 
fusions in the colony, than to promote the benefit of it. We 
can only assure the reader, that it had no good effect in 
Georgia, and that it was kept up there as much as possible 
from the people, only a fictitious abridgment thereof, with 
the same title and the same way signed, being publicly ex- 
hibited in writing ; but this was a needless caution, for not 
one in twenty of them would have understood any one par- 
agraph of it. In October, 1739, the General issues out his 
proclamation for granting letters of marque and reprisals; 
and the inhabitants being called together, in the court house, 
he there makes them a very elaborate speech, and, amongst 
other things, tells them, that he was designed against St. 
Augustine, and if he did not take it, he would leave his bones 
before the walls thereof. But he is now at Frederica, and, 



240 A True and Historical Narrative^ ^c. 

as w6 have too much reason to believe, this castle is still in 
the hands of the Spaniards. A little after this we had 
another instance how much our benefactors had our interest 
and welfare at heart ; for at this time it was given out, that 
all the cattle that were unmarked, belonj^ed to the trustees 
as lords of the manor ; and orders were given that they 
should be mai'ked accordingly; but people strenuously insist- 
ing to the contrary,! the design -was dropt for that time. On 
the 4th of November, ]\Ir. Oglethorpe departed from Savan- 
nah, and he now seems to have entirely forgot it; and it is 
certain, that ever since the affair of the representation, ac- 
cording to his own words, the very name of the place is be- 
come hat(^ful to him, as are all those who he thought were 
ringleaders in that affair ; some of whom he endeavored to 
threaten and bribe to a recantation, but to httle purpose ; two 
or three being the most (to the best of our knowledge,) that 
he could gain, and even those, we believe, never gave any- 
thing under their hands. One flagrant instance of the indi- 
rect practices he used to draw people into his measures was 
as follows: *In summer, 1739, (when it was thought the 
representation would have succeeded, Messrs. Grant, Doug- 
lass, Stirling and Bailie, who had been old settlers in the 
colony, and who had in a manner ruined themselves, as others 
had done, either by planting or building, wrote to the trustees 
for an island, and at the same time applied to Mr. Oglethorpe 
for it ; he appeared mighty glad at their resolution, and told 
them, that if they would agree to what he had to propose, 
the granting of an island should be nothing in respect to 
what he woiild do for them. They told him they would 
do anything that was consistent with their knowledge and 
conscience. Then they were dismissed, and the next day 
they were to know his mind; that being come, two of his 
emissaries were sent separately with proposals, which they 
afterwards wrote in order to be signed, but refused a copy 
thereof. These proposals were to the following effect, viz. : 
To acknowledge they were in the wrong for having any hand 
in the making or signing the representation ; to ask the Gen- 
eral's pardon for so doing; and to assert, that they believed 
the colony might flourish according to the then present con- 
stitution. These things complied with, they should have 

' There arc particular aflTiclavits to prove this \yliolo affair 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 241 

what money they were pleased to ask for, with horses, cattle, 
and every thing else they wanted, together with the Gen- 
eral's perpetual friendship and assistance. If not complied 
with, they might expect nothing but his highest resentment. 
They answered, that they never expected, nor did they 
think they ever asked for any favors, irom the General, and 
as for his resentment, they believed they had already felt the 
utmost of it. In whatever shape the General wrote home of 
this affair, is not known ; but however, from what he wrote 
the trustees thought fit, at first, positively to deny their re- 
quest, in a letter which came to their hands in July, 1740, of 
which this is an exact copy. 



" To Messrs. G7'ant, Douglass and Bailie, at Savannah, in 

Georgia. 

" Georgia-Office, March 25, 1740. 

" Gentlemen, — The trustees for establishing the colony of 
Georgia, have received and read your letter of May 26, 
1739, by which they find you have abandoned your settle- 
ments upon the Ogechee river, for the following reasons; 
because you are not allowed to have black servants to culti- 
vate your lands, and because you disliked the tenure of 
your grants. 

" As to the first, you must have seen by the trustees' an- 
swer to the representation of some of the people, that they 
cannot and will not break into the constitution of the pro- 
vince, by such an introduction of slavery in blacks ; and that 
upon the most mature deliberation, and for the strongest 
reasons ; which, indeed, are obvious to every considering 
man, and which they are confirmed in by the danger which 
has lately threatened South Carolina by the insurrection of 
the negroes, and would be more imminent in Georgia, it be- 
ing a frontier. 

" As to the last, relating to the tenure of lands, the trus- 
tees suppose you may have seen the alteration which they 
have made since the writing of your letter, and they have no 
doubt but you are satisfied therewith, as the rest of the col- 
ony are. 

" The trustees have likewise received and considered your 
petition to General Oglethorpe, for a setdement on Wilming- 

VOL. II. 31 



242 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

ton island, and his answers thereto, which they think are of 
great force, and therefore they cannot make you a grant 
there, but hope you will go on improving your settlements on 
the Ogechee river, which they perceive by your letter May 
26, that you had made a great progress in. 
I am, gentlemen, 

Your veiy humble servant, 

Benj. Martin, Secretary." 

To this they returned the following answer. 

" To the Honorable the Trustees for EstahJisliing the Colony 
of Georgia, in America, at their Office near Old Pcdace 
Yard, Westminster. 

" Honorable Gentlemen, — We have received a letter 
signed by your secretary, of the 25th March last, owning 
the receipt of ours to the trustees for establishing the colony 
of Georgia, dated the 26th May, 1739, in which we set forth 
the expense we had been at in prosecuting our settlement on 
the Ogechee river, together with the impossibility of carrying 
on any settlement with success in this colony, according to 
the present constitution ; as an additional confirmation of 
which, we then presented your Honors with an account cur- 
rent, carried on from the commencement of our settlement 
on the Ogechee, and continued till we were drove thence by 
the strongest appearances of destruction, arising from the 
having expended our all in the strenuous prosecution of an 
impracticable scheme. And here we must beg leave to ob- 
serve, that it appears to us, you have neither considered our 
letter or account ; otherwise you never would have advised 
us to return to a place on which we have already in vain 
consumed so much time and money. 

" We have seen and seriously considered every paragraph 
of a printed paper, entitled, ' The Answer of the Trustees for 
establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, to the Rep- 
resentation from the Inhabitants of Savannah ; ' which, in our 
humble opinion, is no answer at all; but rather an absolute 
refusal of demands to which we are legally entitled, under 
the specious pretences of guardianship and fatherly care ; 
without having answered one sentence, or confuted by 
strength of argument, any part of our assertions. 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 243 

" Because our neighboring province (of which you are 
pleased to take notice,) has, by an introduction of too great 
numbers, abused the use of negroes ; or, because an un- 
doubted property in our land possessions might prove detri- 
mental or hurtful to idle, profligate or abandoned people, it 
does not at all follow that we should be debarred the use of 
negroes for the field, or the more laborious parts of culture, 
under prudent limitations, or that sober and virtuous men 
should be deprived of just titles to their properties. 

" We are surprised that your Honors mention the repre- 
sentations of the people of the Darien, as a confirmation of 
the unreasonableness of our demands. For did your Honors 
know the motives by which these people were induced to 
present you with one or more petitions, contradictory to our 
representation, the welfare of the colony, and their own con- 
sciences ; we are persuaded you never would have offered 
them as reasons for rejecting the representation from Savan- 
nah. They were bought with a number of cattle, and ex- 
tensive promises of future rewards ; a little present interest 
made them forget or neglect their posterity ; w^hereas the 
people of this place, duly sensible of the miseries and calam- 
ities they have suffered, and do still labor under, freely and 
voluntarily put their hands to the representation of this part 
of the province. No artful means were used to induce them 
to it ; no artful man or men, negro-merchants or others, per- 
suaded them to it. Dismal poverty and the most absolute 
oppression were the true fountains from whence our com- 
plaints proceeded. But how miserably were these inconsid- 
erate deluded wretches rewarded ? They were soon after 
carried against St. Augustine, placed on a dangerous post, 
where they were all or most of them cut off or taken pris- 
oners by the enemy ; which has put a period to the settlement 
of Darien, of which so many great things have been falsely 
reported. 

" With regard to our representation, we shall only beg 
leave to make one supposition, which it is almost impossible 
can have happened, viz., that this and all the other repre- 
sentations, letters, suits or petitions, made to the trustees by 
private or *a joint number of persons, have been entirely false 
and groundless. What can have reduced the colony to the 
situation in which it now is ? What can have reduced its 
inhabitants to one sixth part of the number which we have 



244 A True and Historka,! Narrative, &^c. 

known to reside here ? Or, lastly, to what is the starving 
and despicable condition of the few that are now left owing ? 
Is it not, as well as every other matter which we have before 
urged, owing to and occasioned by the unanswerable reasons 
at different times given and laid before your honors, by 
honest men, (independent of you) who were and are the 
chief sufferers in this colony ; and who could not be bribed 
to conceal, or terrified from declaring their sentiments ? 

" Your honors may readily and safely join issue with us in 
our appeal to posterity, who were their best *friends, (Slc, 
for it is certain and obvious, that if the trustees are resolved 
to adhere to their present constitution, they or their succes- 
sors are in no great danger of being called to any account by 
our posterity in Georgia. 

" We have likewise seen and read the alterations Mr. 
Martyn mentions to have been made by your Honors, with 
regard to the tenure of lands ; together with a fictions 
abridgment of the same affixed to the most public places at 
Savannah. 

" Mr. Martyn, in his letter, is pleased to tell us, that your 
Honors imagine we are satisfied therewith, as the rest of the 
colony are ! Some few, perhaps, may have expressed them- 
selves satisfied ; but we will say no worse of such few, than 
that your Honors will soon be sensible, that even they are 
deceivers. It is true, such alterations, and the paper, entitled, 
An Answer to our Representation, above mentioned, are art- 
fully penned, and will doubtless, for a time, amuse even men 
of the best sense in Europe, or elsewhere, who are strangers 
to the colony of Georgia ; but any man of common under- 
standing, or the least penetration, who by an unfortunate ex- 
perience, has been well acquainted with that colony, can 
easily demonstrate, that those very papers are further snares 
to increase our miseries ; as it is impossible we can be enabled 
by these alterations to subsist ourselves and families any more 
than before, far less to put us in a capacity of recovering our 
already sunk fortunes and loss of time. Some time in the 
summer 1739, (whilst we still expected agreeable altera- 
tions to have succeeded our representation) we applied more 
than once to General Oglethorpe, as one of the trustees, for 
the same tract of land which we have since been refused by 

* Vide answer to the representation. 



# 



A True and Historical Narrative, 8cc. 245 



your Honors : but our petitions and applications were re- 
jected ; and for what reason ? Because indeed we refused to 
contradict what we had before set forth in our representation, 
so and become villains, as '(we have too much reason to be- 
lieve) some others on the same occasion were. We would 
not accept of settlements, sums of money, horses, cattle and 
other valuable considerations, at the expense of betraying our 
country, and contradicting our consciences, by signing a pa- 
per, which was prepared and offered to us, purporting a re- 
pentance of the measures we had taken for our own and the 
relief of other distressed British subjects ; and consequently 
an approbation of a scheme which, by all appearance, seems 
to have been calculated and prepared to form a colony of 
vassals, whose properties and liberties were at all times to 
have been disposed of at the discretion or option of their 
superiors. 

" Such and many other methods of corruption have been 
too often practised in this colony ; but we refused and scorned 
such actions, from principles of which every honest man 
ought to be possessed. 

" We are not surprised to find, that we have in vain ap- 
plied to your Honors in several affairs, when we see you have 
been hitherto prepossessed by a gentleman of superior in- 
terest, with informations and assertions full of resentment, and 
which we well know cannot stand the test of an impartial 
examination ; but we are amazed and sorry to find, that he 
has had for so many years together, the interest of nomina- 
ting those, who have been appointed from time to time, for 
the administration of justice, and making an impartial inquiry 
into and informing your Honors of the real situation of the 
colony of Georgia ; we say, such who have been implicitly 
obedient in carrying on his arbitrary schemes of government, 
and oppressing the inhabitants, as well as conniving at the 
deceiving your Honors and the nation ! 

" Gentlemen, as we have no favors to ask, or resentments 
to fear, we may with the greater freedom observe, that we 
are in full hopes, that all we can justly ask, will be granted 
us by a British Parliament, who we doubt not, will soon make 
an inquiry into the grievances of oppressed subjects, which 
have formerly inhabited, or do now inhabit the colony of Geor- 
gia ; that colony which has cost so great an expense to the 
nation, and from which so great benefits were promised and. 
expected ! 



246 A True and Historical Narrative, See. 

" We are sensible of the freedoms which have been used 
with our respective characters, in the misrepresentation sent 
your Honors by partial men : nor are we less sensible, that the 
majority of the trustees have been kept in the dark, with re- 
gard to our just complaints and representations ; or that such 
complaints have been communicated to them in lights distant 
from truth ; insomuch that, we have reason to believe, two 
thirds of the honorable board are either misinformed of or 
are entire strangers to the barbarous and destructive schemes 
carried on in this miserable colony. 

" We hope it will ere long appear to your Honors and the 
world (whatever has been advanced to the contrary) that we 
are honest men, free from any base design, free from any 
mutinous spirit; who have only stood firm for the recovery 
of our lost privileges, which have been secretly and under the 
most specious pretences withdrawn from us by some de- 
signing and self-interested men. 

" We should be sorry to write disrespectfully of any one 
of the trustees ; but when distressed and oppressed people 
arrive at the last extremities, it must be supposed, they will 
neither be ashamed to publish their misfortunes, or afraid of 
imputing their calamities to the fountain from whence they 
spring. 

"Far be it from us in any shape to reflect in general on 
the honorable board, who we still believe are gentlemen of 
honor and reputation, who would not be accessory to any 
sinister or base designs ; but we can't help thinking, that 
they are deluded, and brought to pursue measures incon- 
sistent with the welfare and prosperity of the colony, by some 
who of the whole corporation are only acquainted with the 
particular situation of it ; and who must therefore wilfully and 
from design, form and prepare destructive schemes for the 
perishing inhabitants of Georgia ; and by unfair representa- 
tions of persons and things, draw the approbation of the 
greater part of the honorable board, to such measures for the 
oppression of his Majesty's subjects, which they would, if 
they were impartially informed, scorn to think of, far less 
agree to. 

" General Oglethorpe with all his forces has been obliged 
to raise the siege of St. Augustine, and we have reason to 
believe the impending ruin of this colony will be thereby de- 
termined ; for the Spaniards are reinforced ; the General's 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^-c. 247 

army harassed and weakened, and the* Indians provoked and 
discontented ; so that every thing looks with the most dismal 
aspect. But as his conduct in, and the consequences of 
these affairs, will be soon published to the world ; and as we 
doubt not we have already incurred your Honors' displeasure, 
by reciting thus freely the many hardships which we have 
here and formerly asserted to have been the causes of our 
ruin, we shall now forbear and conclude by adding, that the 
extremity of our misfortunes has at last rendered us utterly 
incapable of staying here any longer; and though all the 
money we have expended on improvements in the colony is 
now of no advantage to us here, nor can be elsewhere ; yet 
poor as we are, we shall think ourselves happy when we are 
gone from a place where nothing but poverty and oppression 
subsists. Therefore we hope, if ever this or any other paper 
or letter of ours shall appear in public, your honors will im- 
pute such publication to have proceeded from no other mo- 
tives, besides a thorough knowledge of our duty to ourselves, 
our fellow subjects and sufferers, and to prevent others for 
the future from being deluded in the same manner as we 
have been, who are, with the greatest respect, 
" Honorable Gendemen, 

Your most humble servants, 
(Signed) Da. Douglass, 

Wm. Stirling, 
Tho. Baillie. 



About the latter end of May, 1740, Mr. Oglethorpe set 
out with his regiment for Florida, and soon after the Caro- 
hna forces (consisting of about six hundred men) joined him, 
with about three hundred Indians and sixty Highlanders, 
volunteers from Darien, who were buoyed up by the General 
with the mighty hopes of reward, besides several stragglers 
and boatmen from other parts of the province and elsewhere ; 
so that, exclusive of six men of war, there might be about 
fifteen hundred effective men assisting at the siege (as it was 
called) of the castle of St. Augustine. But we shall take no 
further notice of this affair, than as it has affected or may still 
affect the colony of Georgia. The place being alarmed, the 
Highlanders, with some others, making in all one hundred 
and forty-one men, were posted at Musa, (this was a small 



248 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

fort about a mile distant from the castle, which had been 
abandoned by the Spaniards at the General's first approach) 
where they were soon after attacked by a superior force of 
the enemy, and a miserable slaughter ensued, scarcely one 
third of the number escaping, the others being either killed 
or taken prisoners. Thus these poor people, who, at the 
expense of their consciences, signed a representation contrary 
to their own interest and experience, and gave themselves 
entirely up to the General's service, by their deaths at once 
freed his Excellency from his debts and promises, and put an 
end to the settlement of Darien ; for there are now in that 
place not one quarter part of the number who settled there 
at first, and that is made up chiefly of women and children ; 
and a scout boat is stationed before the town to prevent any 
of them from going ofi; 

This siege was raised about the latter end of July ; the 
General with the remainder of his regiment returned to Fred- 
erica ; the Carolina forces were shipped off for that province ; 
the few Georgians that were left repaired, as soon as they 
were allowed, to their several homes in a miserable condition ; 
and the Indians marched towards their respective countries, 
very much weakened and discontented ; the Cherokees re- 
turned (as they came) by Savannah, and of one hundred and 
ten healthy men, only about twenty got to their nation, the 
rest either perished by sickness or were slain ; and thus 
ended the campaign in Florida. 

During these transactions. Savannah decayed apace, and 
in August and September the same year, people went away 
by twenties in a vessel, insomuch that one would have 
thought the place must have been entirely forsaken ; for in 
these two months about one hundred souls out of the county 
of Savannah left the colony ; many others have since left it, 
and, we believe, more will leave it very soon. 

The boats with their hands which the General employed 
at that unfortunate expedition, he neither will pay, subsist or 
let depart from that place ; however, they are stealing away 
f\ .. I , by degrees ;* and at this time, of about five thou- 

l7/io' ^^^^ souls that had, at various embarkadons, ar- 
rived in the colony of Georgia, (exclusive of the 
regiment) scarce as many hundreds remain ; and those con- 

* We arc now informed, Uiat they all got away, sninc oftlicm beinff paid and some 
not. 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 249 

sist of the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer, who are yearly sup- 
ported from Germany and England ; the people of Frederica, 
who are supported by means of the regiment ; the poor re- 
mainder of the Darien ; a few orphans, and others under that 
denomination, supported by Mr. Whitefield ; together with 
some Dutch servants maintained for doing nothing by the 
trustees, with thirty or forty necessary tools to keep the others 
in subjection ; and those make up the poor remains of the 
miserable colony of Georgia ! * 

Having now brought down this work to the month of Oc- 
tober, 1740, being about the time most of the authors of this 
narrative were obliged to leave that fatal colony, we shall 
conclude the whole with a geographical and historical ac- 
count of its present state. 



Georgia lies in the 30th and 31st degrees of north latitude. 
The air generally clear, the rains being much shorter as well 
as heavier than in England ; the dews are very great ; thun- 
der and lightning are expected almost every day in May, 
June, July and August ; they are very terrible, especially to 
a stranger. During those months, from ten in the morning 
to four in the afternoon, the sun is extremely scorching ; but 
the sea-breeze sometimes blows from ten till three or four. 
The winter is nearly of the same length as in England ; but 
the mid-day sun is always warm, even when the mornings 
and evenings are very sharp, and the nights piercing cold. 

The land is of four sorts ; pine barren, oak land, swamp, 
and marsh. The pine land is of far the greatest extent, 
especially near the sea-coasts. The soil of this is a dry 
whitish sand, producing shrubs of several sorts, and between 
them a harsh coarse kind of grass, which cattle do not love 
to feed upon ; but here and there is a httle of a better kind, 
especially in the savannahs, (so they call the low watery 
meadows which are usually intermixed with pine lands.) It 
bears naturally two sorts of fruit ; whortle-berries, much like 
those in England, and chinquopin nuts, a dry nut about the 
size of a small acorn. A laborious man may in one year 
clear and plant four or five acres of this land ; it will produce 

* It is here to be observed, that we have excluded the settlement of Augusta, it 
being upon a quite different footing. 

VOL. II. ° 32 



250 A Tnie and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

the first year from two to four bushels of Indian corn, and 
from four to eight of Indian pease per acre ; the second year 
it usually bears much about the same ; the third, less ; the 
fourth, little or nothing. Peaches it bears well ; likewise the 
white mulberry, which serves to feed the silk worms ; the 
black is about the size of a black cherry, and has much the 
same flavor. 

The oak land commonly lies in narrow streaks between 
pine land and swamps, creeks or rivers. The soil is a black- 
ish sand, producing several kinds of oak, bay, laurel, ash, 
w^alnut, sumach and gum trees, a sort of sycamore, dog trees, 
and hickory. In the choicest part of this land grow parsi- 
mon trees, and a few black mulberry and American cherry 
trees. The common wild grapes are of two sorts, both red ; 
the fox grape grow two or three only on a stalk, is thick- 
skinned, large stoned, of a harsh taste, and of the size of a 
small cherry ; the cluster grape is of a harsh taste too, and 
about the size of a white currant. This land requires much 
labor to clear ; but when it is cleared, it will bear any grain, 
for three, four or five years sometimes, without laying any 
manure upon it. An acre of it generally produces ten 
bushels of Indian corn, besides five of pease, in a year ; so 
that this is justly esteemed the most valuable land in the 
province, white people being incapable to clear and cultivate 
the swamps. 

A swamp is any low watery place, which is covered with 
trees or canes. They are here of three sorts, cypress, river 
and cane swamps. Cypress swamps are mostly large ponds, 
in and round which cypresses grow. Most river swamps 
are overflown on every side by the river which runs through 
or near them ; if they were drained they would produce good 
rice ; as would the cane swamps also, which in the meantime 
are the best feeding for all sorts of cattle. 

The marshes are of two sorts ; soft wet marsh, which is 
all a quagmire, and absolutely good for nothing, and hard 
marsh, which is a firm sand ; but, however, at some seasons 
is good for feeding cattle. Marshes of both sorts abound on 
the sea islands, which are very numerous, and contain all 
sorts of land ; and upon these chiefly, near creeks and runs 
of watar, cedar trees grow. 

We shall only add to the above, that considering no land 
can be sowed (or at least what is sowed preserved,) till the 
same is inclosed, that five acres is the utmost a very able and 



A True and Historical Narrative, 8^c. 251 

laborious man can propose to manage ; this being the quan- 
tity allotted for the task of a negro in the neighboring pro- 
vince, which negro works four hours each day more than a 
white man can do. 

It must next be noticed, that with regard to the above re- 
turns, (suppose a prosperous season without disappointments, 
which is not the case in such small improvements as can be 
expected in an infant colony one year in five,) either drought, 
burns, or rain drowns the corn, and makes the pease fall out 
of the pod. Deer (which no fences can exclude) devour 
those little settlements in a night ; rats and squirrels do the 
same ; birds eat the seed out of the ground, and dig up the 
blade after it is spired ; and variety of worms and insects 
devour the one half of it. But let us suppose none of those 
evils happened ; let us view the amount of the produce 
valued at the highest rate. 

The produce of five acres of pine land raised by one hand 
the first year. 

Indian corn, 20 bushels at 105. /. s. d. 

currency per bushel. 15 sterling. 

Indian pease, 40 bushels at ditto. 2 10 

Total of first year's produce, 3 15 

The second year the same ; the third less, the fourth httle 
or nothing. 

Best oak land, five acres, at 15 bushels of corn and 
pease per acre, is seventy-five bushels, at ditto price, is Al. 
135. 9d sterling. 

Let us next consider the maintenance of every single white 
servant per annum, at the lowest rate, and then the reader 
will be able to judge whether white people can get their live- 
lihood by planting land in this climate without negroes ? And 
the allowance to the trustees' Dutch servants being the least 
at which any white servant could be maintained in Georgia, 
we shall therefore take our estimation from it, which is eight 
pence sterling per day or 12/. 35. Ad. sterling per annum ; so 
that at a medium, the expense is three times greater than 
the produce, besides tools, medicines and other necessaries. 

We must likewise observe, that the proportion of pine bar- 
ren to either good swamp or oak and hickory land, is at least 
six to one ; that the far greater number of the small lots have 
none or very little oak land ; and if they had swamp that 
would bear rice, white people are unable to clear them if they 



252 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

are covered with trees, and though only with canes, which is 
the easiest to cuhivate ; it were simply impossible to manu- 
facture the rice by white men ; the exercise being so severe, 
that no negro can be employed in any other work or labor 
comparable to it, and many hundreds of them (notwithstand- 
ing all the care of their masters,) yearly lose their lives by 
that necessary work. 

Savannah stands on a flat bluff, (so they term a high land 
hanging over a creek or river,) which rises about forty feet 
perpendicular from the river, and commands it several miles, 
both upwards and downwards, and if it was not for a point 
of woods which, about four miles down the river, stretches 
itself out towards the south-east, one might have a view of 
the sea, and the island of Tybee. The soil is a white sand 
for above a mile in breadth south-east and north-west ; be- 
yond this, eastward, is a river swamp ; westward, a small 
body of wood-land, (in which was the old Indian town,) 
separated by a creek from a large tract of land, which runs 
upwards along the side of the river, for the space of about 
five miles ; and being, by far, the best near the town, is re- 
served for the Indians, as General Oglethorpe declares, as 
are also some of the islands in the river Savannah, and the 
three most valuable islands upon all the coast of that province, 
viz.: Ossiba, St. Katherine and Sapula. South-west of the 
town is a pine barren that extends about fourteen miles to 
Vernon river. 

On the east side of the town is situated the public garden, 
being ten acres enclosed, on a barren piece of land, where 
it is hardly possible for what is planted to live, but impossible 
to thrive ; and from this garden were all the planters to have 
been furnished with mulberry trees, &c. 

The plan of the town was beautifully laid out in wards, 
tithings, and public squares left at proper distances for mar- 
kets and public buildings ; the whole making an agreeable 
uniformity. 

The public works in this town are, 1st, A court house, 
being one handsome room, with a piache on three sides. 
This likewise serves for a church for divine service, none 
having been ever built, notwithstanding the trustees in their 
public acts, acknowledge the receipt of about seven hundred 
pounds sterling from charitable persons, for that express pur- 
pose. 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 253 

2dlv, Opposite to the court house stands the log house or 
prison, (which is the only one remaining of five or six that 
have been successively built in Savannah,) that place of ter- 
ror and support of absolute power in Georgia. 

3dly, Nigh thereto is a house built of logs, at a very great 
charge, as was said, for the trustees' steward ; the" foundation 
below ground is already rotten,* as the whole fabric must be 
in a short time ; for the roof being flat, the rain comes in at 
all parts of it. 

4th, The store-house, which has been many times altered 
and amended at a very great charge ; and it now serves as a 
store, for the private benefit of one or two, as before men- 
tioned. 

5th, The guard-house, which was first built on the bluff, 
soon decayed ; as did a second through improper manage- 
ment ; this now standing being the third. Several flag-staffs 
were hkewise erected, the last of which, according to com- 
mon report, cost 50/. sterling. 

6th, A public mill for grinding corn, was first erected at a 
considerable expense, in one square of the town ; but in 
about three years time (without doing the least service) it fell 
to the ground. In another square of the town a second 
was set up, at a far greater expense, but never finished, and 
is now erased and converted into a house for entertaining the 
Indians, and other such like uses. 

7th, Wells and pumps were made at a great charge ; but 
they were immediately choked up, and never rendered use- 
ful, though this grievance was frequently represented both to 
the General and magistrates ; the want of wells obliging the 
inhabitants to use the river water, which all the summer over 
is polluted with putrid marshes and the numberless insects 
that deposite their ova there, together wath putrified car- 
casses of animals and corrupted vegetables ; and this no 
doubt occasioned much of the sickness that swept off many. 

Several of the houses which were built by freeholders, for 
want of heirs male, are fallen to the trustees (even to the 
prejudice of the lawful creditors of the deceased) and are 
disposed of as the General thinks proper. 

At least two hundred lots were taken up in Savannah, 
about one hundred and seventy of which were built upon ;t 

* In August, 1740, a new foundation was begun. 

t Several of these had more than one house upon them. 



254 A True and Historical Narrative, 8fc. 

a great many of these are now ruinous, and many more shut 
up and abandoned ; so that the town appears very desolate, 
scarce one quarter of its inhabitants being left, and most of 
those in a miserable condition, for want of the proper neces- 
saries of life. 

St. Simon's island, having on the east the gulf of Florida, 
on the other sides branches of the Alatamaha, is about one 
hundred miles south of Savannah, and extends in length 
about twenty, in breadth from two to five miles. On the 
west side of it, on a low bluff, stands Frederica, having 
woods to the north and south, to the east partly woods, 
partly savannahs and partly marsh. 

The soil is mostly blackish sand ; the fortifications are 
augmented since the retreat from Augustine, and here lie 
most of the remains of General Oglethorpe's regiment. 
Frederica was laid out in form of a cresent, divided into one 
hundred and forty-four lots, whereof fifty were built upon ; 
the number of the inhabitants, notwithstanding of the circu- 
lation of the regiment's money, are not above one hundred 
and twenty, men, women and children, and these are daily 
stealing away by all possible ways. On the sea point, about 
five miles south-east of the town, were three companies of 
the soldiers stationed before the attempt upon St. Augustine ; 
several pretty houses were built by the officers, and many 
lots set off to the soldiers and entered upon by them ; most 
if not all now desolate. Several of the officers of the re2;i- 
ment brought over servants to cultivate land ; Col. Cochran, 
twenty servants; Lieut. Horton at Jekyl, sixteen servants; 
Capt. Gascoign at least as many ; all gone ; and, according 
to the best of our information, about two hundred of the 
regiment are diminished. 

About twenty miles north-west from St. Simons, is Darien, 
the settlement of the Scots Highlanders ; the town is situate 
on the main land, close to a branch of the Alatamaha river, 
on a bluff twenty feet high ; the town is surrounded on all 
sides with woods ; the soil is a blackish sand. Here were 
upwards of two hundred and fifty persons settled, who in 
Spring, 1736, built a large fort for their own protection ; and 
the poor remains of these are now no more than fifty-three 
(above two thirds of which are women and children) besides 
eleven of the trustees' servants enlisted as soldiers, and sta- 
tioned there under the command of an officer in order to 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 255 

keep the others from going away, who are nevertheless 
making their escape daily. 

The southernmost settlement in Georgia, is Fort St. An- 
drews, fifty miles south from Frederica, on the south-west 
side of Cumberland island, upon a high neck of land which 
commands the river both ways ; the walls are of wood, filled 
up with earth, round which are a ditch and pallisade ; two 
companies of General Oglethorpe's regiment were formerly 
stationed there, but are now mostly, drawn to Frederica. 

Opposite to Frederica, on the main, were settled Messrs. 
Can* and Carteret, with above twenty servants, where they 
cleared a considerable tract of land ; but that plantation is 
now quitted, and their servants either dead or dispersed. 
We have lately heard from Frederica, that the General hav- 
ing stationed ten or twelve men upon this place, they were 
attacked by Spaniards or Spanish Indians, four were killed, 
four carried off, and two left wounded. 

New Ebenezer, to which the Saltzburgers removed from 
their former habitation at Old Ebenezer, consists of about 
one hundred persons, under the government of Mr. Boltzius, 
their pastor ; they live and labor in a kind of community, and 
never commix or associate with strangers ; they have been 
hitherto liberally supported both from Germany and England, 
and their rights and privileges have been much more exten- 
sive than any others in the colony. This town lies six miles 
eastward from the old, on a high bluif upon the side of Sa- 
vannah river, and forty miles from Savannah. Near to this 
place on a creek of the same river, was built a saw mill, 
which cost of the public money above 1500/. sterling, but, 
like most other public works, is now entirely ruinous. 

About ten miles east of Ebenezer, on a creek three miles 
from the river, was the village of Abercorn. In the year 1733, 
there were ten families settled there, and several afterwards. 
In the year 1737, Mr. John Brodie, with twelve servants, 
settled there : but all those are gone, and it is now a heap of 
ruins. 

Four miles below Abercorn, upon the river side, is Joseph's 
Town, which was the settlement of some Scots gentlemen, 
with thirty servants ; but they have now left it, most of their 
servants having died there. 

A mile below, on the river side, is the settlement where 
sir Francis Bathurst, with twelve in family and servants, was 
placed, now in ruins, without an inhabitant. 



256 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

A quarter of a mile below was the settlement of Walter 
Augustine, with six in family. Within this settlement was 
another mill, erected, at the charge of above 800/. sterling, all 
now in ruins, without an inhabitant. 

A mile below is Landiloe, the settlement of Mr. Robert 
Williams, with forty servants, who made large improvements 
there, and continued for the space of four years planting each 
season with great industry in various shapes, still expecting 
(with the other settlers) an alteration in the constitution ; but 
at last having sunk a great deal of money, he was obliged 
to leave it, with the loss of above two thousand pounds ster- 
ling ; and it is now uninhabited, and very much decayed. 
Next below that is the five hundred acre tract belonging to 
Dr. Patrick Tailfer ; which was settled, but found impracti- 
cable to proceed upon, by reason of the hardships and re- 
strictions in the colony. Next to that is Mr. Jacob Mathews's 
plantation (formerly Mr. Musgrove's) called the Cow-pen, 
who hved there some time with ten servants ; but has now 
left it, and keeps only two or three to look after his cattle. 
Adjoining to this was Mr. Cooksey's settlement, with five in 
family ; now entirely abandoned. Next to this was captain 
Watson's plantation, with a good house, now in ruins. All 
these lie upon the side of the river. And upon the east and 
southward, were the settlements of Young, Emery, Polhil 
and Warwick ; all forsaken. Next upon the river side is the 
Indian land before mentioned, separated from the foregoing 
settlements by a creek, and running all along to the town. 
A little below this creek is a place called Irene, where Mr. 
John Wesly built a pretty good house for an Indian school ; 
but he soon wearied of that undertaking, and left it. A little 
below this is the Indian town called New-Yamacraw, where 
the remainder of Tomo Chichi's Indians reside. 

Five miles south-west of Savannah, on a small rise, stands 
the village of Highgate. Twelve families were settled here 
in 1733, mostly French, now reduced to two. A mile east- 
ward of this is Hampstead, where several German families 
were settled in 1733, and some others since, now reduced to 
none. 

Five miles south-east of Savannah, is Thunderbolt, where 
there was a good timber fort, and three families with twenty 
servants were settled ; but it is now all in ruins and aban- 
doned. 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^'•c. 257 

Four miles south of this is the island of Skiddoway, on 
the north-east point whereof ten families were settled in 
1733 ; now reduced to none: 

A creek divides Skiddoway from Tybee island, on the 
south-east part of which, fronting the inlet, the light-house is 
built. Twelve families were settled here in 1734, who have 
now forsaken it. 

Twelve miles southward by land from Savannah, is Mr. 
Houston's plantation, kept with one servant. And, 

About thirty miles from that, up the river Ogechee, was 
the settlements of Messrs. Stirlings, &c., with twenty-five 
servants. This place, when they went there, was the south- 
ernmost settlement in the colony, and very remote ; * so that 
they were obliged to build, at their own expense and at a 
considerable charge, a strong wooden fort for their defence. 
And the said Messrs. Stirlings having resided there about 
three years with the servants, they were obliged to leave it 
after having exhausted their fortunes to no purpose in the 
experiment. 

Twenty miles above this, on a high bluff on the same 
river, stands fort Argyle if it is a small square wooden fort, 
musket-proof. Ten famihes were settled here and about it ; 
now all gone ; and the fort itself garrisoned by one officer, 
one Dutch servant, and one woman, who were lately sur- 
prised in the officer's absence, by two prisoners that broke 
out of the log-house in Savannah, and both murdered. 

Near the mouth of Vernon river, upon a kind of an island 
(which is called Hope isle) are the settlements of Messrs. 
John Fallowfield, Henry Parker and Noble Jones. They 
have made some improvements there, but chiefly Mr. Fallow- 
field, who has a pretty little convenient house and garden, 
with a considerable stock of hogs, and some cattle, &lc., and 
where he generally resides with his family. Near adjoining 
to this upon a piece of land which commands the Narrows,! 
is a timber building called Jones's fort, which serves for two 
uses, namely, to support Mr. Noble Jones, who is com- 

* This was the only spot allowed them to settle upon, any other place being re- 
fused. 

t This is the place where a body of horse called the Southern Rangers, under the 
cominand of captain James Macpherson, were stationed for/several years. They were 
paid by the government of Carolina ; but have been discharged for some time by past. 

X This is a narrow passage through which boats are obliged to pass aed repass in 
going to and from the southard. 

VOL. II. 33 



258 A True and Historical Narrative, ^-c. 

mancler of it, and to prevent the poor people of Frederica 
from getting to any other place, where they might be able to 
support themselves. 

About three miles south-east of Savannah, upon Augustine 
Creek, lies Oxstead, the settlement of Mr. Thomas Causton, 
improven by many hands and at a great charge, where he 
now resides with a few servants. Between Oxstead and 
the town of Savannah lie, 1st, Hermitage, the setdement of 
Mr. Hugh Anderson, who had seventeen in family and ser- 
vants ; but he w^as obliged both to leave that and retire from 
the colony, about tw^o years ago, upon account of the general 
hardships. 2dly, the settlements of Mr. Thomas Christie, 
and six others belonging to the township of Savannah : all 
now forsaken. 3d, the settlements of the Germans of Count 
Zinzendorff, who were twenty families ; which are likewise 
now entirely abandoned, they having all gone to other colo- 
nies. 

Upon the west side of Savannah, lie the township lots of 
the Jews, now deserted, (they having all gone to other colo- 
nies, except three or four) as are all others on that quarter, 
excepting one or two. 

About three miles from Savannah on .the south, the settle- 
ment of Mr. WiUiam Williamson is in the same condition : 
and also, the settlement belonging to the trustees adjoining 
to Mr. Williamson's ; which was committed by them to the 
care of Mr. William Bradley, their steward, to be cultivated 
and improved by him at their charge, as an example to oth- 
ers, and to satisfy themselves what improvements in land 
were practicable by white servants. The event might have 
opened the eyes of any that would see. Upwards of twenty, 
sometimes thirty servants, were employed ; above two thou- 
sand pounds sterling expended in the experiment, and never 
so much of any kind of grain raised from it, as would have 
maintained the numbers employed about it six months. It 
now lies on a par with the most ruinous plantation in Geor- 
gia. Part of their Dutch servants have been employed last 
year by Mr. Thomas Jones, upon a new plantation about a 
mile to the southward of Savannah. They were twenty-five 
in number, and maintained at the expense of eight-pence 
sterling each per diem ; and we have lately been credibly 
informed, the whole produce did not exceed one hundred 
bushels of corn. 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 259 

The Orphan-House is situated about fourteen miles south- 
east of Savannah. This famous work was begun in March, 
1740 ; and during the space of six months, there were about 
one hundred people, men, women and children, maintained 
and employed about it ; and according to their own calcula- 
tion, they have expended near four thousand pounds sterling. 
But ever since Mr. Whitefield left Georgia, the latter end of 
August in the same year, it has decayed apace ; for, besides 
those he then carried to the northward with him, a great 
many have since left them ; and their money growing short, 
they were soon obliged to discharge most of the workmen ; 
besides, of late, many divisions have arisen amongst them. In 
short, the design seems to be drawing near a period, al- 
though at this time, the house itself is scarcely half finished. 
It is built upon a low pine barren, surrounded on one side 
with a large tract of salt marsh, extending to Vernon River, 
to which they have a passage by w^ater, when the tides are up, 
for small craft ; on the other side it is surrounded with woods. 
They have cleared about ten acres of ground, and have built 
several houses and huts. The frame of the Orphan-House 
is up, the roof shingled, and the sides weather boarded. It 
is sixty feet in length, forty feet wide. It has two stories, 
besides cellars and garrets ; the cellars are built of brick, 
which likewise serves for a foundation to the whole building. 
It would certainly be a fine piece of work, if finished ; but if 
it were finished, where is the fund for its support ? and what 
service can an orphan-house be in a desert and a forsaken 
colony. 

About three or four miles from the Orphan-House, on the 
side of Vernon River, William Stephens, Esq., (formerly 
mentioned) has a plantation with five or six servants, who 
have cleared about seven or eight acres. However, if he 
reaps no benefit from them, he is at as little charge to main- 
tain them.'^ 

As it would be too tedious to mention particularly the 
township or five and forty-five acre lots, being in all about 
one hundred that were setded, we need only, therefore, in 
general, say, that there are few or none of them but what 
are in the same condition with those before specified, viz. : 
ruinous and desolate. 

' The trustees allow him so many servants, and their maintenance. 



260 A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 

The last place we shall mention is Augusta, distant from 
Savannah two hundred miles up the river, on the same side. 
It was founded in 1737, at a considerable charge, under the 
direction of one Mr. Roger Lacy, being at that time agent to 
the Cherokee nation. It is principally, if not altogether, in- 
habited by Indian traders and store-keepers ; the number of 
whom may now be about thirty or upwards ; and a consider- 
able quantity of corn has been raised there. To account for 
this singular circumstance, we shall only assign two reasons ; 
the first is the goodness of the land, which at so great a dis- 
tance from the sea, is richer than in the maritime parts ; the 
second and chief one is, that the settlers there are indulged 
in and connived at the use of negroes, by whom they exe- 
cute all the laborious parts of culture; and the fact is un- 
doubted and certain, that upwards of eighty negroes are now 
in the settlements belonging to that place. We do not ob- 
serve this as if it gives us any uneasiness, that our fellow 
planters are indulged in what is so necessary for their well- 
being ; but we may be allowed to regret, that we and so 
many British subjects, who stood much more in need of 
them, should have been ruined for want of such assistances. 

Having now taken a survey of the colony of Georgia, we 
shall conclude this treatise by taking notice of two or three 
of the most remarkable transactions in it since October last. 

On the tenth day of November, a court was called at Sa- 
vannah, where Col. Stephens read a paragraph of a letter, 
which he said was from the trustees, desiring the inhabitants 
to set forth their miseries, hardships and difficulties in writing, 
in order to have the seal of the colony annexed thereto, and 
so transmitted to the trustees. Whereupon Mr. Stephens 
gave the recorder a paper to read, in which the colony was 
represented in a most flourishing condition, (in the town of 
Augusta alone, there were represented to be white 

people, and pack-horses belonging thereto, who were 

employed in the Indian trade) enumeradng the many useful, 
fine and curious productions of it, such as hedges with pome- 
granates growing upon them, wine, silk, oil, wheat, &c., with 
many other hyperboles. This paper Mr. Stephens said he 
had been at great care and pains about, and which he took 
to be a just answer to the trustees' letter, with the true state 
of the colony. But the poor people, seeing the absurdity 



A True and Historical Narrative., S^c. 261 

and falseness of it, soon discovered their dislike thereof by 
their leaving the court house ; and only eighteen persons 
signed the same, every one of whom were supported in one 
shape or other by the public ; Mr. Fallowfield, then on the 
bench, used what arguments he could to persuade him, that 
it was reasonable every person should represent his own case 
to the trustees, and he apprehended the design of the trus- 
tees was such ; but Stephens in a passion said, except they 
would sign this, they should have the public seal to no other 
paper ; so it was to no purpose what either he or the re- 
corder Mr. John Py could urge, who very soon left the court, 
declaring their dislike and abhorrence of such proceedings ; 
but immediately they, with the rest of the inhabitants, to the 
number of above sixty, drew up a remonstrance to the trus- 
tees, in which they fully set forth the true state of the col- 
ony, with their own miserable condition in it. This paper, 
and soon after a petition to the king and council, &.C., were 
lately transmitted to the authors hereof, who immediately 
forwarded them for London ; but as the issue thereof is now 
depending, we do not think it proper to expose them to the 
public. 

On the 2d of April last a fire broke out by accident in a 
smith's forge in Savannah, which consumed almost one whole 
square ; and in the highest rage of the devouring flames, Mr. 
Thomas Jones stood an idle spectator with his hands in his 
bosom, and with the utmost unconcernedness, insomuch, that 
when he was applied to by several of the miserable people 
for a small quantity of gunpowder to blow up an adjoining 
house, in order to prevent the fire from spreading, his an- 
swer was, I can do nothing in it, I have no orders concerning 
such matters. 

We have lately been informed from Frederica, that the 
General, having stationed twelve men upon the place which 
was the settlement of Messrs. Ker and Carteret before men- 
tioned, they were attacked by Spaniards or Spanish Indians, 
and four were killed, four carried off, and two wounded. 

A good many of the people have come away from Fred- 
erica lately, and in order to get off were obliged to make use 
of stratagems, such as going a hunting upon the islands, &c. 
We are informed, that some differences have happened be- 
twixt the General and some of the magistrates there, and 
that in the place of one of them he has appointed one of his 



262 A True and Historical Narrative, Sfc. 

waiting boys. Several of the poor remainder of the Darien 
people have likewise escaped, notwithstanding the body of 
forces stationed there to prevent them. 

Having thus brought this Historical Narrative within the 
compass proposed, and endeavored to dispose the materials 
in as distinct a method and series as the necessary concise- 
ness would allow; we readily admit that the design is far 
from being complete. To have acquainted the world with 
all the hardships and oppressions which have been exercised 
in the colony of Georgia, must have required both a larger 
volume than we were capable of publishing, and more time 
than we could bestow. We therefore satisfy ourselves, that 
we have, with care and sincerity, executed so much of the 
design, as may pave the way to any others who can descend 
more minutely to particulars ; and those who are best ac- 
quainted with the affairs of that colony, will be most capable 
of judging how tenderly w^e have touched both persons and 
things. 

It only remains, that we in a few paragraphs endeavor to 
exhibit to the view of the reader, the real causes of the ruin 
and desolation of the colony ; and those briefly are the fol- 
lowing : 

1. The representing the climate, soil, &c. of Georgia in 
false and too flattering colors ; at least, the not contradicting 
those accounts wh(3n publicly printed and dispersed, and 
satisfying the w^orld in a true and genuine description 
thereof. 

2. The restricting the tenure of lands from a fee simple to 
tail-male, cutting off daughters and all other relations. 

3. The restraining the proprietor from selling, disposing of, 
or leasing any possession. 

4. The restricting too much the extent of possessions ; it 
being impossible that fifty acres of good land, much less pine 
barren, could maintain a white family. 

5. The laying the planter under a variety of restraints in 
clearing, fencing, planting, &c. which was impossible to be 
complied with. 

6. The exacting a much higher quit-rent thari the richest 
grounds in North America can bear. 

7. But chiefly the denying the use of negroes, and persisting 
in such denial after, by repeated applications, we had humbly 



A True and Historical Narrative, ^c. 263 

remonstrated the impossibility of making improvements to 
any advantage with white servants. 

8. The denying us the privilege of being judged by the 
laws of our mother country ; and subjecting the lives and 
fortunes of 'all people in the colony, to one person or set of 
men, who assumed the privilege, under the name of a Court 
of Chancery, of acting according to their own will and fancy. 

9. General Oglethorpe's taking upon him to nominate ma- 
gistrates, appoint justices of the peace, and to do many other 
such things, without ever exhibiting to the people any legal 
commission or authority for so doing. 

10. The neglecting the proper means for encouraging the 
silk and wine manufactures, and disposing of the liberal 
sums contributed by the public, and by private persons, in 
such ways and channels as have been of little or no service 
to the colony. 

11. The misapplying or keeping up sums of money which 
have been appointed for particular uses, such as building a 
church, &,c., several hundreds of pounds sterling (as we are 
informed) having been lodged in Mr. Oglethorpe's hands for 
some years by past for that purpose, and not one stone of it 
yet laid. 

12. The assigning certain fixed tracts of land tq those who 
came to settle in the colony, without any regard to the qual- 
ity of the ground, occupation, judgment, ability or inclination 
of the settler, &,c. &c. &c. 

By these and many other such hardships, the poor inhabi- 
tants of Georgia are scattered over the face of the earth ; her 
plantations a wild; her towns a desert; her villages in rub- 
bish ; her improvements a by-word, and her liberties a jest ; 
an object of pity to friends, and of insult, contempt and ridi- 
cule to enemies. 



THE END. 



AN ACCOUNT, 



SHOWING THE PROGRESS 



COLONY OF GEORGIA, 



IN AMERICA, 



FIRST ESTABLISHMENT. 



Published per order of the Honorable the Trustees. 



LONDON : Printed in the year M.DCC.XLI. 

MARYLAND : Reprinted, and sold hj Jonas Green, at his 

Printing Office, in Annapolis. 1742. 

VOL. II. 34 



NOTE. 

This account was drawn up by Benjamin Martyn, Esq., secretary of 
the trustees. 

The Preface, alluding to the foregoing pamphlet, and vindicating 
Oglethorpe from its aspersions, was written by a gentleman of Georgia, 
and defends Oglethorpe with much zeal and ability. Dr. Tailfer, and 
his associates erred too much in their prejudices. Martyn and the trus- 
tees were under a more pardonable error in their too sanguine prepos- 
sessions. However logically the trustees, or their secretary, might rea- 
son in the abstract, as to the operation of their favorite theories of gov- 
ernment, the daily experience of the settlement, militated with nearly 
every deduction, and one scheme after another of their Utopian system 
was abandoned, until their charter reverted to the crown. 

Mr. Martyn was never in Georgia and knew nothing of the practical 
operation of the trustees' laws. He lived in the midst of the sanguine 
hopes, and fond expectations of the council at home. He looked at 
Georgia, through the flattering representations of those, who described, 
rather what they desired, than what actually existed, and was incompe- 
tent, therefore, to delineate the real state and situation of the colony. 
The minute and chronological character of the account, give it a peculiar 
interest ; and though the picture is too flattering, it is far more true than 
the wilful perversions of the enemies of the colony. 



THE PREFACE. 



In the yean 1741, there was printed and published by P. 
T., in Charleston, in South Carolina, for the authors, P. 

T r, M.D., H. A n, M.A., D. D -s, and others, 

landholders in Georgia, (at that time in Charleston) a 
pamphlet, entitled, A True and Historical Narrative of the 
Colony of Georgia, in America, &c., dedicated to his Excel- 
lency, James Oglethorpe, Esq., General and Commander-in- 
Chief of his Majesty's forces in South Carolina and Georgia, 
&c. The Dedication seems a very just introduction to such 
a narrative, and both the one and the other, the real offspring 
of such factious and turbulent authors ; being a mean, low- 
witted sneer, a malicious ill-natured invective, against that 
honorable gentleman, wherein the authors, without any re- 
gard to good manners or common civility, treat his Excellency 
(as it were to his face) with such rudeness as ill becomes 
any person to use even to an inferior : However, I cannot 
say but a very fit prelude to such an inconsistent, spiteful, 
false narrative as is subjoined to the dedication ; a narrative 
founded in hes and misrepresentations, projected and pub- 
lished by a few persons of no estate, and as little character, 
persons soured in their tempers, because not humored in 
their endeavors of subverting, or at least aUering the consti- 
tution of a new setded colony, even in its infancy, and before 
any great experiment was made of advancing and improving 
it ; persons, who were under a necessity of banishing them- 
selves from a colony, where, for their seditious and rebellious 
practices, and turbulent restless spirits, they were every day 



268 The Preface. 

in danger of being called to account as stirrers up of discon- 
tent, and as incendiaries against the peace of the govern- 
ment ; persons who had shared deeply in his Excellency's 
favors, and therefore guilty of the most monstrous sin in na- 
ture, viz. ingratitude ; for si ingratum dixeris, omnia. In 
short, they are persons to whom do most justly belong the 
character given by the Right Honorable Sir William Young, 
in a debate concerning the printer of a seditious paper, " that 
they are men whose daily employment has been, for some 
time, to misrepresent the public measures, to disperse scan- 
dal, and excite rebellron ; who have industriously propagated 
every murmur of discontent, and preserved every whisper of 
malevolence from perishing in the birth." — Gent. Mag. Sup- 
plement to 1741,7;. 682. B. 

These are the mighty authors and publishers of the scur- 
rilous narrative ! the design of which seems to be pointed 
chiefly towards obstructing the peopling, and further settling 
the colony of Georgia, and sullying the character and admin- 
istration of a gentleman, who may (without flattery or false- 
hood) be justly termed, the Romulus, father, and founder of 
Georgia ; a gentleman who, without any views but that of 
enlarging his Majesty's dominions, propagating the Protestant 
religion, promoting the trade of his country, and providing 
for the wants and necessities of indigent christians, has vol- 
untarily banished himself from the pleasures of a court and 
exposed himself to the repeated dangers of the vast Atlantic 
Ocean, in several perilous and tedious voyages ; instead of 
allowing himself the satisfaction, which a plentiful fortune, 
powerful friends and great merit, entitle him to in England, 
he has inured himself to the greatest hardships that any the 
meanest inhabitant of this new colony could be exposed to ; 
his diet has been mouldy bread, or boiled rice instead of 
bread, salt beef, pork, &c., his drink has been water, his bed 
the damp earth, without any other covering than the canopy 
of heaven to shelter him ; and all this to set an example to 
this new colony, how they might bear with such hardships in 
their new settlements. 

His conduct in war falls nothing short of his prudence in 
private life, and policy in public stations, however the same 
might have been misrepresented to the world with respect to 
the miscarriage before St. Augustine, the true causes of which 
are justly to be laid at the door of two sorts of men, con-, 



The Preface. 269 

cerned in that expedition ; first those under a pommand dif- 
ferent from the General, upon whose assistance the success 
of that expedition chiefly depended, but who entirely left him 
when their assistance was most wanted. The second sort 
were those out-guards, who were to give the alarm to the • 
main guard when the Spaniards advanced ; but, who, instead 
of firing their pieces and giving the alarm, flung down their 
arms and ran away; by which means the slaughter of the men 
at Musa happened ; and yet, ill-nature will lay the blame of all 
to his Excellency, when indeed the miscarriage was occa- 
sioned by either neglect of, or disobedience to, the military 
orders that his Excellency had given ; or by not being sup- 
ported by those under a different command, on whom he 
chiefly depended for success of that attack ; but (to his Excel- 
lency's great surprise) instead of sending their boats and men 
ashore, according to a result of a council of war, held on 
board one of his Majesty's ships, to assist in order to destroy 
the six galleys wherein the Spaniards' greatest safeguard lay, 
and which continually fired from under the walls over the 
river on the land forces, hoisted their sails and went away, 
without giving the least notice of their departure, by which 
means the garrison was relieved with provisions through the 
Metanges, a small inlet about four leagues to the southward 
of the bar, which might have been prevented, had those of a 
different command done their duty. Thus I leave any im- 
partial man to judge the consequence of their departure at so 
critical a juncture, and the fatal event it produced to his 
Majesty's land forces. However, his Excellency's conduct 
has been approved of at home, and will soon appear in such 
a light that his enemies will be ashamed of their impudent 
lies, and perhaps pay for their own folly ; and how far the 
ill-nature and impotent malice of the authors of the narrative, 
have carried them beyond the bounds of truth or good man- 
ners, will appear in the following sheets, which give a true 
and authentic account of the progress of that colony, from its 
first establishment to the year 1741, which being published 
by the order of the Honorable the Trustees, and printed in 
London, Anno 1741, is now reprinted here, with no other 
view than to obviate the prejudices which may be raised in 
the minds of people by that scandalous narrative, and so may 
be a means of deliverins; that new settlement from the ill 
effect of such misrepresentations as are handed about by that 



270 " The Preface, 

libel, to deter his Majesty's subjects from settling in that fron- 
tier colony, so necessary for advancing and protectino- the 
trade of this and our mother country, on the southernmost 
part of North America, and extending our colonies both on 
the Gulf of Florida and the Bay of Mexico. 

Magna est Veritas, &- prevalebit. 



AN ACCOUNT, 

SHOWING THE PROGRESS OF THE 

COLONY OF GEORGIA, 

IN AMERICA, 
FROM ITS FIRST ESTABLISHMENT. 



His majesty, King George the Second, by his letters pa- 
tent, bearing date the 9th day of June, one thousand seven 
hundred and thirty-two, reciting amongst many other things, 
that many of his poor subjects were through misfortunes and 
want of employment reduced to great necessities, and would 
be glad to be settled in any of his majesty's provinces of 
America, where by cultivating the lands waste and desolate, 
they might not only gain a comfortable subsistence, but also 
strengthen his majesty's colonies, and increase the trade, 
navigation and' wealth of his majesty's realms, and that the 
provinces in North America had been frequently ravaged by 
Indian enemies, more especially that of South Carolina, 
whose southern frontier continued unsettled and lay open to 
the neighboring savages, and that to relieve the wants of thfe 
said poor people, and to protect his majesty's subjects in 
South Carolina, a regular colony of the said poor people 
should be settled and establiished in the southern frontiers of 
Carolina, did, for the considerations aforesaid, constitute a 
corporation by the name of the Trustees for Establishing the 
Colony of Georgia, in America, with capacity to purchase 
and take lands, to sue, and to be sued, to have a common seal, 
and to choose members of the said corporation on the third 
Thursday in March, yearly, with restraining clauses, that no 



272 An Account showing the Progress 

member of the said corporation should have -any salary, fee, 
perquisite, benefit or profit whatsoever for acting therein, or 
have any office, place, or employment of profit under the 
said corporation, with a direction for the said corporation 
every year to lay an account in writing before the Lord 
Chancellor, Chief Justice of the King's Bench, Master of the 
Rolls, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and Chief Baron 
of the Exchequer, or any two of them, of all moneys or 
effects by them received or expended for carrying on the 
good purposes aforesaid, with a power to make by-laws, con- 
stitutions, orders and ordinances ; and granted amongst other 
things to the said corporation and their successors under the 
reservations therein mentioned, seven undivided parts (the 
whole into eight equal parts to be divided) of all those lands, 
countries and territories, situate, lying and being in that part 
of South Carolina, in America, which lies from the most 
northern stream of a river there commonly called the Savan- 
nah, all along the sea coast to the southward, unto the most 
southern stream of a certain other great water or river, called 
the Alatamaha, and westward from the heads of the said 
rivers respectively in direct lines to the South Seas, to have 
and to hold the same, to them the said corporation and their 
successors forever, for the better support of the said colony 
under the yearly rent of four shillings proclamation money of 
South Carolina, for every hundred acres of the said lands 
for ever, which the said corporation should grant, demise, 
plant or setde, but not to commence until ten years after 
such grant, demise, planting or settling ; and erected and 
created the said lands, countries, and territories into one in- 
dependent and separate province by the name of Georgia, 
and made the inhabitants who should reside therein, free and 
not subject to any laws, orders, statutes, or constitutions of 
South CaroUna, except the commander-in-chief of the mi- 
litia, and authorized the said corporation for the term of 
twenty-one years from the date of the said letters patent to 
form and prepare laws, statutes and ordinances for the gov- 
ernment of the said colony, not repugnant to the laws and 
statutes of England, to be presented under their common 
seal, to his majesty in council, for his approbation or disal- 
lowance, and that the said laws so approved of should be irt 
full force and virtue within the said province. And empow- 
ered the common council for the time being of the said cor- 



of the Colony of Georgia. 273 

poration, or the major part of them, to dispose of, expend 
and apply, all the moneys and effects belonging to the said 
corporation, and to make contracts for carrying and effecting 
the good purposes therein intended, and that they should, 
from time to time, appoint a treasurer, secretary, and such 
other officers, ministers, and servants of the said corporation 
as they should see proper, for the good management of their 
affairs, and at their pleasure to remove them and appoint 
others in their stead, and that they should appoint reasonable 
salaries, perquisites and other rewards for their labor or ser- 
vices, and that such officers should be sworn before they act, 
for the faithful and due execution of their respective offices 
and places ; and declared, that the treasurer and secretary 
for the time being should be incapable of being members of 
the said corporation ; and granted to the said corporation 
that it should be lawful for them, their officers or agents, to 
transport and convey into the said province, such of his 
majesty's subjects and foreigners as were willing to go and 
inhabit and reside there ; and declared all persons born within 
the said province, and their children and posterity, to be 
free denizens as if they had been born within any of his 
majesty's dominions. And empowered the said common 
cauncil in the name of the corporation and under their com- 
mon seal, to distribute, convey, assign, and set over such 
particular portions of the said lands, tenements and heredita- 
ments, unto such of his majesty's subjects and others willing 
to hve in the said colony, upon such terms, and for such es- 
tates, and upon such rents, reservations and conditions, as 
the same might lawfully be granted, and as to the said com- 
mon council, or the major part of them, should seem fit and 
proper, provided that no grant should be made of any part 
of the said lands, unto, or in trust for, or for the benefit of 
any member of the said corporation, and that no greater 
quantity of the said lands be granted either entirely or in 
parcels, to or to the use of, or in trust for, any one person, 
than five hundred acres ; and declared that all grants made 
contrary to the true intent and meaning thereof should be 
absolutely null and void. And granted that the said 
corporation for the term of twenty-one years from the 
date of the said letters patent should have power to erect 
and constitute judicatures and Courts of Record, or other 
courts, to be held in his majesty's name, for the hearing and 
VOL. II. 35 



274 An Account showing the Progress 

determining of all manner of crimes, ofTences, pleas, pro- 
cesses, plaints, actions, matters, causes and things whatso- 
ever, arising or happening within the said province, or be- 
tween persons inhabiting or residing there, and for awarding 
and making out executions thereupon ; and directed the said 
corporation to register or cause to be registered, all leases, 
grants, plantings, conveyances, settlements and improvements 
whatsoever, as should at any time be made of any lands, 
tenements or hereditaments within the said province, and 
yearly transmit authentic accounts thereof unto the auditor 
of the plantations, or his deputy, and to the surveyor of South 
Carolina, to inspect and survey the same, to ascertain the 
quit-rents that should become due according to the reserva- 
tion before mentioned ; but not to have, or take any gratuity, 
fee or reward for such survey or inspection, on forfeiture of 
their office ; with a proviso, that all leases, grants and con- 
veyances to be made, of any lands wuthin the said province, 
or a memorial containing the substance or eflfect thereof, 
should be registered with the auditor of the plantations within 
one year from the date thereof, otherwise that the same 
should be void. And directed, that all rents, issues or 
profits which should come to the said corporation, issuing or 
arising out of, or from the said province, should be laid out 
and applied in such manner as would most improve and en- 
large the said colony, and best answer the good purposes 
therein mentioned, and for defraying all other charges about 
the same ; and directed the said corporation from time to 
time to give in to one of the secretaries of state, and to the 
commissioners of trade and plantations, accounts of the pro- 
gress of the said colony ; and directed that the said common 
council should from time to time for the said term of twenty- 
one years from the date of the said letters patent, have 
power to appoint all such governors, judges, magistrates, 
ministers, and officers, civil and military, both by sea and 
land, within the said district, as they should think fit and 
needful for the government of the said colony (except such 
officers as should be appointed for managing, collecting, and 
receiving such of his majesty's revenues, as should arise 
within the said ])rovince) with a proviso, that every governor 
so appointed, should be approved by his majesty, and qualify 
himself as other governors in America are by law required 
to do, and give security for observing the acts of parliament 



of the Colony of Georgia. 275 

relating to trade and navigation, and obeying all instructions 
from his majesty, or any acting under his authority, pursuant 
to the said acts. And granted, that the said corporation for 
the said term of twenty-one years, from the date of the said 
letters patent, should have power, by any commander or 
other officer for that purpose appointed, to train, instruct, ex- 
ercise, and govern a militia for the special defence and safety 
of the said colony, to assemble in martial array, and put in 
warlike posture, the inhabitants of the said colony, and in 
time of actual war, invasion or rebellion, to use and exercise 
the law martial, and also to erect forts and fortify any place 
or places within the said colony, and the same to furnish with 
all necessary ammunition, provision, and stores of war for 
offence and defence, and from time to time to commit the 
custody and government of them to such person or persons 
as to them should seem meet, declaring that the governor or 
commander-in-chief of South Carolina should have the 
chief command of the militia of Georgia, and that they 
should observe his orders ; and granted that the said corpo- 
ration should have power to import or export their goods, at 
or from any port or ports that should be appointed by his 
majesty within the said province for that purpose, without 
being obliged to touch at any other port in Carolina. And 
declared, that after the end of the said twenty -one years, 
such form of government, and method of making laws, 
statutes, and ordinances for the government of the said pro- 
vince, and its inhabitants, should be observed and established 
within the same, as his majesty, his heirs and successors 
should ordain and appoint, and should be agreeable to law ; 
and that after the end of the said twenty-one years, the gov- 
ernor, and all officers civil and military, within the said pro- 
vince, should be appointed by his majesty, his heirs and 
successors. In pursuance of his majesty's charter, and in 
order to fulffi the good intents and purposes therein ex- 
pressed, it was thought necessary for the trustees to send 
over such poor people and foreign protestants as were willing 
to Hve in Georgia, not only to cultivate the lands, but at the 
same time to strengthen his majesty's colonies. For w4iich 
purpose they considered each inhabitant both as a planter 
and a soldier ; and they were therefore to be provided with 
arms for their defence, as well as tools for their cultivation, 
and to be taught the exercise of both, and towns were to be 



276 An Account showing the Progress 

laid out for their settlements, and lands allotted to each of 
them for their maintenance as near to those towns as con- 
veniently could be, that they might never have occasion to 
be too far distant from their towns which were to be regarded 
as their garrisons. 

And as the mihtary strength of the province was particu- 
laily to be taken care of, it seemed necessary to establish 
such tenures of lands as might most effectually preserve the 
number of planters, or soldiers, equal to the number of lots 
of land, and therefore each lot of land was to be considered 
as a military fief, and to contain so much in quantity as 
would support such planter and his family ; and fifty acres 
were judged sufficient and not too much for that purpose, 
and provision was made to prevent an accumulation of sev- 
eral lots into one hand, lest the garrison should be lessened, 
and likewise to prevent a division of those lots into smaller 
parcels, lest that which was no more than sufficient for one 
planter, when entire, should, if divided amongst several, be 
too scanty for their subsistence. 

And in the infancy of the colony, the lands were granted 
in tail male, preferable to any other tenure, as the most Hkely 
to answer these purposes ; for if the grants were to be made 
in tail general, it was thought that the strength of each tow^n- 
ship would soon be diminished, inasmuch as every female 
heir in tail, who was unmarried, would have been entitled to 
one lot, and consequently have taken from the garrison the 
portion of one soldier ; and by intermarriages several lots 
might have been united into one ; and if such tenant in tail 
general had had several daughters, his lot must have been 
divided equally amongst them all as co-partners. 

Nor were these the only inconveniences which were 
thought likely to arise from estates in tail general. For 
women being equally incapable to act as soldiers or serve on 
juries, these duties, and many others, such as watchings and 
wardings, &c., would return so much oftener to each man, in 
proportion as the number of the men in the township was 
lessened, and by that means become very burthensome to 
the remaining male lot-holders, and in case of any attack 
from the Indians, French, or Spaniards, the township would 
be less able to make a defence. 

And as it was not thought proper to grant estates in tail 
general, it appeared to be more inconvenient to grant them 



of the Colony of Georgia. 277 

in fee simple ; which estate would have been attended with 
all the objections before mentioned incident to estates in tail 
general, and to several other besides ; for the right of alien- 
ation being inseparable from an estate in fee, the grantee 
might have sold, mortgaged, or aliened his lands to whom- 
ever he thought fit, which was a power not to be intrusted 
with the people sent over, for the following reasons : 

1. From considering their condition. 

2. From considering the purposes they were sent for. 

3. From considering the persons to whom lands might be 
alienated. And, 

4. From considering that it might occasion a monopoly of 
land contrary to the intent of the charter. 

As to the first, the persons sent over were poor indigent 
people, who had, for the most part, so indiscreetly managed 
what they had been masters of here, that it did not seem 
safe to trust so absolute a property in their hands, at least in 
the infancy of the colony, and before they had, by a careful 
and industrious behavior, given some reason to believe they 
would prove better managers for the future. 

As to the second, they were sent over to inhabit, cultivate 
and secure, by a personal residence, the lands granted to 
them within the province, and they voluntarily engaged so 
to do ; and in expectation that they would perform those 
engagements, they were maintained at the expense of the 
public during their voyage, and their passage was paid for 
them, and they were provided with tools, arms, seeds, and 
other necessaries, and supported from the public store, many 
of them at least for four years together from their first land- 
ing, in which respect the public may be said to have pur- 
chased those people for a valuable consideration, their per- 
sonal residence, and all the industry and labor they could 
bestow in the cultivation of this province, and to have given 
them even pay for the hazard they might run in the defence 
of it. 

As to the third, it was thought unsafe to grant them such 
an estate as might be the means of introducing such sort of 
people as might defeat what the trustees had always at 
heart, viz., the preservation of the Protestant religion in that 
province, which was necessary to be taken care of, both on 
a poUtical and religious account, the French lying to the 
west, and the Spaniards to the south of the province of 
Georgia. 



278 An Account shoiving the Progress 

As to the fourth, a monopoly of several lots into one hand 
would necessarily have been the consequence of a free liberty 
of buying and selling lands within the province, which would 
have been directly contrary to the intent of the charter, 
whereby the grant of lands to any one person is limited not 
to exceed five hundred acres. 

A further inconvenience seemed likely to arise in every 
case where the tenant in fee died without any children, or 
without having disposed of his lot by will ; for the heir gen- 
eral who might have the right to it might not happen to be 
found out for many years after, especially if it was one of the 
foreign Protestants, and all that time the house would have 
run to decay, and the land remain uncultivated and become 
a harbor for vermin, to the great annoyance and damage of 
the neighboring lots. 

But though the before mentioned restraints were intended 
for the good of the whole, yet whenever particular cases re- 
quired it, they were taken off and dispensed with. And 
upon any application for leave to alienate lands, licenses 
were always granted for that purpose ; and when the succes- 
sion of females became less dangerous to the province, by 
the growing strength and increase of the people, and by the 
security provided for it by his Majesty's forces there, the 
trustees resolved to enlarge the tenures of the lands to estates 
in tail general. 

The tenures being thus setded, it was thought necessary 
to require the inhabitants to cultivate their lands within a 
limited time, and in order to raise raw silk, which was in- 
tended to be one of the produces there, a certain proportion 
of white mulberry trees were to be planted, and in their re- 
spective grants ten years were allowed for the cultivation, 
and one hundred white mulberry trees were to be planted 
on every ten acres of land when cleared ; with a power for 
the trustees to reenter on the parts_that should remain un- 
cultivated. 

But as the people were not able to cultivate their lands 
within the time required by their grants, by reason of the 
alarms from the Spaniards, the droughts in that part of Amer- 
ica, and other unforeseen accidents, the trustees resolved to 
release all forfeitures on that account, and to require the cul- 
tivation of no more than five acres of the said fifty acres 
within the remainder of the said term of ten years. 



of the Colony of Georgia. 279 

And as other persons applied to the trustees for grants of 
land, in order to go over and settle there at their own ex- 
pense, particular grants were made under the same tenure, 
and on the following conditions, viz. : That they should 
within twelve months from the date of their grants, go to 
and arrive in Georgia, with one man servant for every fifty 
acres granted them, and should with such servants abide, 
settle, inhabit and continue there for three years. That they 
should within ten years clear and cultivate one fifth part of 
the land granted them, and within the next ten years clear 
and cultivate three fifth parts more of the said lands, and 
plant one thousand white mulberry trees upon every one 
hundred acres thereof when cleared. And that they should 
not at any time hire, keep, lodge, board, or employ any ne- 
groes within Georgia on any account whatsoever, without 
special leave. Which conditions were readily approved of, 
and counterparts executed by them all.. And to those wdio 
desired to name their successor on failure of issue male, 
special covenants were entered into by the trustees for that 
purpose, agreeable to their own propositions. And for an 
encouragement for their men servants to behave well, like 
covenants were entered into, to grant to every such man ser- 
vant, when requested thereunto by any writing under the 
hand and seal of the master, twenty acres of land under the 
same tenure. 

The trustees were induced to prohibit the use of negroes 
within Georgia, the intention of his Majesty's charter being 
to provide for poor people incapable of subsisting themselves 
at home, and to settle a frontier to South Carolina, which 
was much exposed by the small number of its white inhab- 
itants. It was impossible that the poor who should be sent 
from hence, and the foreign prosecuted Protestants, who must 
go in a manner naked into the colony, could be able to pur- 
chase or subsist them if they had them, and it would be a 
charge too great for the trustees to undertake; and they 
would be thereby disabled from sending white people. The 
first cost of a negro is about thirty pounds, and this thirty 
pounds would pay the passage over, provide tools and other 
necessaries, and defray the charge of subsistence of a white 
man for a year, in which time it might be hoped that the 
planter's own labor would grant him some subsistence, con- 
sequently, the purchase money of every negro (abstracting 



280 An Account showing the Progress 

the expense of subsisting him as well as his master) by being 
applied that way, would prevent the sending over a w-hite 
man, who would be a security to the province, whereas the 
negro would render that security precarious. 

It was thought the white man, by having a negro slave, 
would be less disposed to labor himself; and that his whole 
time must be employed in keeping the negro to work, and in 
w'atching against any danger he or his family might appre- 
hend from the slave, and that the planter's wife and children 
A^ould by the death, or even the absence of the planter, be 
at the mercy of the negro. 

It was also apprehended, that the Spaniards at St. Augus- 
tine would be continually enticing away the negroes, or en- 
couraging them to insurrections. That the first might easily 
be accomplished, since a single negro would run away 
thither without companions, and would only have a river or 
two to swim over, and this opinion has been confirmed and 
justified by the practices of the Spaniards, even in times of 
profound peace, amongst the negroes in South Carolina, 
where, though at a greater distance from St. Augustine, some 
have fled in periaguas and Uttle boats to the Spaniards, and 
been protected, and others in large bodies have been incited 
to insurrections, to the great terror, and even endangering 
the loss of that province, which, though it has been estab- 
lished above seventy years, has scarce white people enough 
to secure her own slaves. 

It was also considered that the produces designed to be 
raised in the colony would not require such labor as to make 
negroes necessary for carrying them on ; for the province of 
Carolina produces chiefly rice, which is a work of hardship 
proper for negroes, whereas the silk and other produces 
which the trustees proposed to have the people employed on 
in Georgia, were such as w^omen and children might be of 
as much use in as negroes. 

It was likewise apprehended, that if the persons who 
should go over to Georgia at their own expense, should be 
permitted the use of negroes, it w^ould dispirit and ruin the 
poor planters who could not get them, and who by their 
numbers were designed to be the strength of the province ; 
it would make them clamorous to have negroes given them, 
and on the refusal would drive them from the province, or at 
least make them negligent of their plantations, where they 



of the Colony of Georgia. 281 

would be unwilling, nay would certainly disdain, to work like 
negroes ; and would rather let themselves out to wealthy 
planters as ovei-seers of their negroes. 

It was further thought, that upon the admission of ne- 
groes, the wealthy planters would, as in all other colonies, 
be more induced to absent themselves and live in other 
places, leaving the care of their plantations and negroes to 
overseers. 

It was likewise thought, that the poor planter sent on 
charity, from his desire to have negroes, as well as the 
planter who should settle at his own expense, would (if he 
had leave to alienate) mortgage his land to the negro mer- 
chant for them, or at least become a debtor for the purchase 
of such negroes ; and under these weights and discourage- 
ments would be induced to sell his slaves again upon any 
necessity, and would leave the province and his lot to the 
negro merchant. In consequence of which, all the small 
properties would be swallowed up, as they have been in 
other places, by the more wealthy planters. 

It w^as likewise considered, that the admitting of negroes 
in Georgia would naturally facilitate the desertion of the 
Carolina negroes through the province of Georgia, and con- 
sequently this colony, instead of proving a frontier and add- 
ing strength to the province of South Carolina, would be a 
means of drawing off the slaves of Carolina, and adding 
thereby a strength to Augustine. 

From these several considerations, as the produces to be 
raised in the colony did not make negro slaves necessary, as 
the introduction of them so near to a garrison of the Span- 
iards would weaken rather than strengthen the barrier, and 
as they would introduce with them a greater propensity to 
idleness among the poor planters, and too great an inequality 
among the people, it was thought proper to make the pro- 
hibition of them a fundamental of the constitution. 

When the trustees had made these dispositions, and were 
enabled by benefactions from several private persons, on the 
3d of October, 1732, it was resolved, to send over one 
hundred and fourteen persons, men, vvomen and children, 
being such as were in decayed circumstances, and thereby 
disabled from following any business in England, and who, if 
in debt, had leave from their creditors to go, and such as 
were recommended by the minister, church- wardens and 

VOL. II. 36 



282 An Account showing the Progress 

overseers of their respective parishes. And James Ogle- 
thorpe, Esq., one of the trustees, went with them at his own 
expense, to settle them. 

On the 24th of the same month the people were all ex- 
amined, whether any of them had any objections to the 
terms and conditions proposed to them, w-hich they all de- 
clared they had not, but that they were , fully satisfied with 
them, and executed articles under their hands and seals, tes- 
tifying their consents thereto, which are now in the public 
office belonging to the trustees. 

But four of them desiring that their daughters might in- 
herit as well as sons, and that the widow's dower might be 
considered, the trustees immediately resolved, that every 
person who should desire the same, should have the privi- 
lege of naming a successor to the lands granted to them, who 
in case the possessor should die without issue male, should 
hold the same to them and their heirs male forever ; and that 
the widows should have their thirds as in England, with 
which resolutions the people being all acquainted, were very 
well satisfied. 

The trustees prepared forms of government agreeable to 
the powers given them by their charter ; they established 
under their seal a court of judicature for trying causes as 
well criminal as civil in the town of Savannah, (the name 
which was given to the first town to be raised) by the name 
and style of the town court. They also appointed magis- 
trates there, viz., three bailiffs and a recorder ; and inferior 
officers^ viz., two constables and two tithingmen. They 
chose for magistrates such as appeared to them the most 
prudent and discreet, but amongst a number of people who 
were all upon a level at their first setting out, it was impossi- 
ble to make any choice or distinction which would not create 
some future uneasinesses among them. 
' On the 16th of November, 1732, when the one hundred 
and fourteen persons, and with them the Reverend Mr. Her- 
bert, a clergyman of the Church of England, and a man from 
Piedmont, (engaged by the trustees to instruct the people in 
the art of winding silk) embarked on board the ship Anne, 
Captain Thomas ; several of the trustees went to Gravesend, 
called over the people, and made a strict inquiry into their 
accommodations and provisions, and left the people very well 
satisfied. Soon after fifteen more persons were sent, eleven 



of the Colony of Georgia. 283 

of whom were sawyers, in order to assist the people in build- 
ing their houses. 

At the time of the embarkation, five thousand acres of 
land were granted to three of the colonists, in trust for them 
or the survivors of them, to make grants from time to time to 
every man of twenty-one years of age or upwards, (who 
should arrive in Georgia and desire the same) fifty acres of, 
land to hold to him and his heirs male. 

The common council of the trustees (in whom by the 
charter the disposal of money was lodged,) did resolve at 
their first meeting, that the Bank of England should be de- 
sired to keep the money belonging to the trust, which the 
bank accepted, and have continued so to do, paying no sums 
but by draughts signed by five of the common council. 

The trustees desired by a letter, Sir Thomas Lombe's 
sentiments of the goodness of the raw silk produced in Car- 
olina, and the proper methods of carrying on that undertak- 
ing with success, on which they received* from Sir Thomas 
Lombe great encouragement to proceed in it, by his appro- 
bation of the silk produced in that cHmate, of which he had 
made experiments. 

On the 28th February, 1732, the trustees received a letter 
from Mr. Oglethorpe, dated the 13th January, 1732, on board 
the ship Anne, of Charleston, in South Carolina, giving an 
account of his safe arrival there with the people, with the loss 
only of two children. 

On the 18th of July, 1733, they received another letter 
from him, which is here inserted at length, as it gives an ac- 
count of the situation where he planted the people. 



From the Camp near Savannah, the 10th Febriiarij, 1732-3. 

Gentlemen, — I gave an account in my last, of our ar- 
rival at Charleston. The Governor and assembly have given 
us all possible encouragement. Our people arrived at Beau- 
fort on the 20th of January, where 1 lodged them in some 
new barracks built for the soldiers, whilst I went myself to 
view the Savannah river. I fixed upon a healthy situation, 
about ten miles from the sea ; the river here forms an half 

* Appendix, No. I . 



284 An Account showing the Progress 

moon, along the south side of which the banks arc about 
forty feet high, and on the top a Hat, which they call a bluff; 
the plain high ground extends into the country about five or 
six miles, and along the river side about a mile. 3hips that 
draw twelve feet water can ride within ten yards of the 
bank. Upon thQ river side, in the centre of this plain, 1 have 
laid out the town, opposite to which is an island of very rich 
pasturage, which 1 think should be kept for the trustees' cat- 
tle ; the river is pretty wide, the water fresh, and from the 
key. of the town yoU; see its. whole course to the sea, with 
the island of Tybee, which forms the mouth of the river, for 
about six miles up into the country. The landscape is very 
agreeable, the stream being wide, and bordered with high 
woods on both sides. The whole people arrived here on the 
1st of February ; at night their tents were got up. Till the 
10th we were taken up in unloading and making a crane, 
which I then could not get finished, so took off the hands, 
and set some to the fortification and began to fell the woods. 
I haye marked out the town and common ; half of the former 
is already cleared, and the first house was begun yesterday 
in the afternoon. A little Indian nation, the only one within 
fifty miles, is not only in amity, but desirous to be subjects 
to his Majesty King George, to have lands given them 
among us, and to breed their children at our schools ; their 
chief, and his beloved man, who is the second man in the 
nation, desire to be instructed in the Christian religion. 

I am, gentlemen, &c. 

Tn this month of April, the trustees in another embarkation 
of seventeen persons, sent some Italians whom they had pro- 
cured from Piedmont, in order to promote the silk business. 

They received another letter from Mr. Oglethorpe, dated 
the 20th Februar}^ 1732, of which the following extract gives 
a further account of the people and their situation. 

" Our people are all in perfect health. I chose the situa- 
tion for the town upon an high ground, forty feet perpendic- 
ular above high water mark ; the soil dry and sandy, the 
water of the river fresh, springs coming out from the sides 
of the hill. I pitched upon this place not only for the pleas- 
antness of the situation, but because from the above men- 
tioned and other signs, I thought it healthy ; for it is sheltered 



of the Colony of Georgia. '^S 

from the western and southern winds (the worst in this 
country,) by vast woods of pine trees, many of which are 
an hundred and few under seventy feet high. There is no 
moss on the trees, though in most parts of Carolina they are 
covered with it, and it hangs down two or three feet from 
them. The last and fullest conviction of the healthfulness of 
the place was, that an Indian nation, who knew the nature 
of this country, chose it for their situation." 

The trustees endeavored very early to secure the friend- 
ship of the Indians, who by ranging through the woods would 
be capable of giving constant intelligence to prevent any sur- 
prise upon the people, and would be a good out-guard for 
the inland parts of the province. For this purpose they were 
treated with all possible candor and gentleness. They were 
acquainted that the English had no intention to hurt or dis" 
tress them, but would be ready to assist and protect them on 
all occasions. They received several presents from the trus- 
tees, and were promised, that if any of the people of Georgia 
injured them, they should upon their complaints and proof of 
it find a ready redress. For which, in return, the Indians 
engaged never to take any revenge themselves, as it might 
breed ill blood between the English and them. And as they 
have since found, that justice has been always done to them 
Mpon proper complaints, they have been true to their en- 
gagements. 

The Indians niade a formal and voluntary cession of that 
part of the country to Mr. Oglethorpe for the king of Great 
Britain, by which a further right and title to it was acquired 
and added to that of the first discovery and cultivation ; and 
a treaty of friendship and commerce with them was settled, 
which was soon after sent over to the trustees for their rati- 
fication. 

In the month of May, 1733, the trustees sent over six per- 
sons more. 

The number of people sent on the charity from the be- 
ginning to the 9th June, 1733, (on which, day of the months 
the trustees' account is yearly made up, which is directed to 
be delivered to the Lord Chancellor and the other persons 
named in the charter) amounted to one hundred and fifty- 
two, of whom one hundred and forty-one were Britons, and 
eleven were foreign Protestants, and sixty-one were men. 



286 An Account showing the Progress ■ 

The hnds granted in trust this year in order to be granted 
out in smaller portions in Georgia, were the aforesaid five 
thousand acres. . 

The lands -granted within.this year to person? , going at 
their own expense, were four thousand four hundred and 
sixty acres. 

The money received from private persons this year 
amounted to 3723/. 13s. 7d., whereof the trustees applied 
2254/. 175. 9d. of which they exhibited an account to the 
Lord Chancellor and the Lord Chief Justice of the Common 
Pleas, pursuant to their chai'ter, and carried the remainder 
into their succeeding account. 



From the 9th Jane, 1733f to the 9th June, 1734. 

Besides the several works on which the people were em- 
ployed at Savannah, as pallisading the town, clearing the 
place from pine trees, &c. and building of houses, some other 
works were carried on, viz. a public garden was laid out, 
which was designed as a nursery, in order to supply the 
people for their several plantations with white mulberry trees, 
vines, oranges, olives, and other necessary plants. A gar- 
dener was appointed for the care of it, and to be paid by the. 
trustees. A crane was made for landing of goods upon the 
bluff; a battery raised which commands the river some dis- 
tance below the town, and on the island of Tybee at the en- 
trance of the river, a beacon was erected ninety feet high, 
which has been of great service not only to the ships enter- 
ing the river Savannah, but. to those likewise which sail by 
the coast, there being none like it all along the coast of 
America. 

A fort was likewise buitt at the narrow passages of an in- 
land river (called Ogechee) in order to protect the settlement 
from any inland invasion from Augustine. Two little villages 
were laid out and settled at about four miles distant from Sa- 
vannah, inland from the river, and a mile from each other, 
which were called Ilampstead and Highgate. 

In the Carolina Gazette,* dated the 22d March, 1732, a 



of the Colony of Georgia. 



287 



further account was given of the settlement at Savannah, 
which was written by a gentleman of Charleston, who with 
some others went thither out of curiosity. 

The Parliament having granted out of money arisen from 
the sale of the lands at St. Christopher, ten thousand pounds 
for the further settling and securing the colony, the trustees 
resolved to lose no time in strengthening it with people, and 
accordingly in the months of September and October, 1733, 
they sent over two' embarkations of persons, whose numbers 
are entered at the end of this year's proceedings, and of 
whom many were persecuted Protestants from Saltzburgh. 

As very pleasing accounts of the country and settlement 
were sent from several of the people there to their friends, the 
trustees were informed that some persons had gone about in 
several parts of England offering money, and land in their 
names (but without their knowledge or authority) to any who 
should be desirous of going to Georgia : therefore they pub- 
lished an advertisement in some of the newspapers, in order 
to prevent the ill consequences of drawing laborious people 
out of the country with such expectations, and they declared 
that they had never given such power to any persons what-' 
soever, and that they never used any solicitations to induce 
people to go over. 

Number British. Foreign Pro- Men. 

The persons sent ^ ^'^"t- ■ testants. 

on the charity this > 341 wliereof 237 and 104 and in 135 

year were - - ) 

Those in the for- } .r-r. i c -k A-i i ni i • 

> 152 whereof 141 and 11 and m 61 
mer year were ) 

The number of per- "] 

sons sent in the j . .. ' ■ 

two years to the |> 493 whereof S'78 and 115 and in 19^6 

19th June, 1734, 

were 

The lands granted in trust this year in order to be granted 
out in smaller portions in. Georgia were eight thousand and 
one hundred acres. 

The lands granted this year to persons going at their own 
expense were five thousand seven hundred and twenty-five 
acres. ■'-•■./.' 

The money received this year pursuant to Act of Parlia- 
ment was 10,000/., and from private persons 1502/. 19s. 3^/. 



288 An Account showing the Pwgress 

whereof the trustees applied 6863/. 0^. 10^/. of which they 
exhibited an account to the Lord Chancellor and Master of 
the Rolls, pursuant to' their charter, and carried the remain- 
der into their succeeding account. 



From the 9ih June, 1734) to the dthJmie, 1735. 

In the month of June, 1734, Mr. Oglethorpe arrived from 
the colony, and with him came some of the principal Indians 
oi' the Lower Creek Nation who live nearest to Savannah. 

When these Indians were in England, they desired of the 
trustees that the measures, prices and qualities of all goods to 
be purchased by them with their deer-skins, might be settled, 
as likewise the weights ; that nobody might be allowed to 
trade with the Indians in Georgia without a license from the 
trustees, in order that if they were in any respect injured or 
defrauded by the traders, they might know where to com- 
plain ; and they further desired there might be but one store- 
. house in each Indian town for supplying them with the goods 
they might want to purchase, from whence the trader should 
be obliged to supply them at the first prices. 

The reason which the Indians gave for this application, 
was, because the traders with them had often in an arbitrary 
manner raised the prices of goods, and defrauded them in the 
weights and measures, and by their impositions had often 
created animosities betv/een tjie English and Indians, which 
had frequently ended in wars between them prejudicial to both. 

The trustees havingconsidered of their request, and being 
informed that the Council and Assembly of Carolina had 
passed an Act the 20th August, 1731, entitled. An Act for 
tlh€ better regulation of tlie hidkm trade, and for appointing 
a Commissioner for that purpose with regulation's, which the 
trustees hoped might be effectual in Georgia, prepared an 
Act, entitled. An Act for maintaining the. peace with the In- 
dians in the Province of Georgia, ic.itii the same regulations 
and provisions as wexe in the, Carolina Act ; which Act 
cea*>ed to be in force in deorgia since- it ^yas erected into a^ 
distinct independent pr6vince not -subject' to the laws of 
Carolina ' ■ , . . 

The trustees receiving frequent inf6rmations> from the 



I 



of the Colony of Georgia. 289 

colony of the pernicious effects of drinking rum and other 
spirituous liquors, by not only creating disorders amongst the 
Indians (who had been plentifully supplied with it by the 
traders) but also destroying many of the English, and throw- 
ing the people into various distempers, prepared an Act, en- 
titled, An Act to prevent the importation ami use of rum and 
brandies in the Province of Georgia, or any kind of spirits or 
strong waters whatsoever. At the same time they endeavored 
to supply the stores with strong beer from England, molasses 
for brewing beer, and with Madeira wines, which the people 
might purchase at reasonable rates, and which would be 
more refreshing and wholesome for them. The magistrates 
of the town of Savannah were hkewise empowered to grant 
licenses to private persons for retailing beer, ale, &c. ; and 
the trustees have great reason to believe that the remarkable 
healthiness of Ebenezer in the northern part, and Frederica 
in the southern part of Georgia, is very much owing to the 
prohibition of the use of rum : for in those parts where rum, 
in defiance of the Act, has been introduced, the people have 
not in general been so healthy and vigorous. 

At the same time the trustees, taking into consideration the 
many inconveniences which would attend the introduction of 
negroes in a frontier, for the several reasons before specified, 
prepared an Act for rendering the colony of Georgia more 
defensible by prohibiting the importation and use of black 
slaves or negroes into the same. 

These three Acts were laid before the King in Council, in 
the month of January, 1734, and after a report from the 
Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to the Com- 
mittee of Council, that they were proper to receive his Ma- 
jesty's royal approbation, they were ratified by his Majesty 
in Council. 

Though the lands granted by the trustees were to revert 
to them on failure of issue male, in order to be re-granted for 
keeping up a number of men; yet the trustees as guardians 
of the people when any such failure happened, resolved that 
the value of the improvements upon the lands of the late oc- 
cupiers, should be valued and paid to or for the benefit of the 
female issue or near relation, and the first issue of such a 
failure being on the death of Mr. De Farren, the value of the 
improvements he had made upon his estate was on the 5th 
Feb. 1734, ordered and paid for the use of his daughter in 

VOL. II. 37 



290 An Account showing the Progress 

England, who being destitute would have been absolutely 
unable to proceed in the cultivation of her father's lot. 

Two embarkations were made this year, whose numbers 
are hereafter mentioned, which consisted chiefly of Saltz- 
burgers, who with the Saltzburgers that went before, were 
settled in a town called by them Ebenezer, upon the river 
Savannah, at some distance above the town, and by the so- 
briety and industry of the people they prove a very thriving 
settlement. 
The persons sent on ^ ^"J^,';"'' ''""'''• vlZ^fnt.. '''"' 

the charity this > 81 whereof 23 and 58 and in 43 

year were . . . ) 

Those in the former) .^^ u ror^o i iic j • m/- 
> 493 whereof 378 and 115 and m 196 
years were ... 3 

The number of per- "] 

sons sent in the ! ^^ whereof 401 and 173 and in 239 

three years to the ( 

9thJunel735 werej 
The lands granted in trust this year in order to be granted 
out in smaller portions in Georgia, were two thousand five 
hundred acres. 

The lands granted this year to persons going at their own 
expense, were one thousand nine hundred acres. 

The money received this year in benefactions amounted to 
5416/. 75. Id. whereof given in South Carolina, 464/. I85. 
2d. the amount in sterling money and in England 4951/. 95. 
6d. which the trustees applied, as also part of their former 
balance to the amount of 11,194/. 9^. 2d. of which they ex- 
hibited an account to the lord chancellor, and master of the 
rolls, pursuant to their charter, and carried the then remainder 
into their succeeding account. 



From the 9th June, 1735, to the 9th June, 1736. 

That all persons who should be desirous of going to 
Georgia might be apprised in time of the several conditions 
they were to perform,* rules were drawn up and printed for 
those who should be sent on the charity, as well as those 

* Appendix, No. 3, and 4. 



of the Colony of Georgia. 291 

who should go on their own expense, in which the conditions 
were specified as well as the necessaries for their subsistence 
and labor. 

The parliament having in the year 1735 granted twenty- 
six thousand pounds for the further settling and securing the 
colony of Georgia, the trustees thought it prudent to 
strengthen the southern part of the province by making a 
settlement on the Alatamaha river, to which they were 
strongly induced by a memorial * sent to his majesty from 
the governor and council of South CaroUna, dated the 9th 
April, 1734, wherein, after thanking his majesty for his pecu- 
liar favor and protection, and especially for his most benign 
care so wisely calculated for the preservation of South Caro- 
lina, by his royal charter to the trustees for establishing the 
colony of Georgia, and after representing the practices of 
of the French to seduce the Indians in amity with South 
Carolina, the attention of the French to the improvement of 
their settlements, and their late enlargement of them nearer to 
Carolina, the defenceless condition of their province, and the 
danger of the inhabitants from their own negroes, and the 
ruinous situation of the West India trade in case the French 
should possess themselves of Carolina ; they add, that the 
harbors and ports of Carolina and Georgia f enable his 
majesty to be absolute master of the passage through the 
gulf of Florida, and to impede at his pleasure the transpor- 
tation home of the Spanish treasure, which, should his ma- 
jesty's enemies possess, would then prove so many convenient 
harbors for them to annoy a great part of the British trade to 
America, as well as that which is carried on through the gulf 
from Jamaica. 

Upon which inducements the trustees resolved to make 
embarkations for strengthening the southern part of Georgia, 
and to obviate any objections which mioht be made by send- 
ing over any of our useful poor from England ; and as the 

• Appendix, No. 4. 

t The harbor in the southern part of Georgia, the nearest to the gulf of Florida 
which has yet been sounded, has been proved by affidavits of three captains of ships 
who have been there, viz., captain Thomas Shubricij, captain George Dymond, and 
captain William Thomson, to be capable of receiving ships of forty guns, and to be 
safely land locked. And by the affidavit* of Thomas Pearce, mariner, who was on 
the coast of Georgia near four years, it appears that ships in this harbor may in 
twenty-four hours from the bar, run into the gulf stream of Florida, through which 
stream the Spanish galleons (when not passing the windward passage) always come. 

* Appendix, No. 5. 



292 An Account showing the Progress 

trustees found that many of the poor who had been useless 
in England were inclined to be useless likewise in Georgia, 
they determined that these embarkations should consist 
chiefly of persons from the highlands of Scotland, and per- 
secuted German protestants. 

While these embarkations were preparing, the trustees 
made preparations for the new settlements. They estab- 
lished the civil government for the new town (which was 
called Frederica) in the same manner as they had before at 
Savannah. 

In the month of January, 1735, the Highlanders arrived in 
Georgia, (and with them several of the same country as ser- 
vants to private grantees) they were settled on the Alatamaha 
river, about sixteen miles distant by water from the island of 
St. Simons (which is at the mouth of the river), they soon 
raised convenient huts till their houses could be built; and 
the town at their own desire was called Darien, which name 
still remains to the district, but the town is since named by 
them New Inverness. 

On the 6th February, 1735, the embarkation under the 
conduct of Mr. Oglethorpe arrived in Georgia, they were 
settled upon St. Simon's Island, the town called Frederica 
was soon laid out, and the people were set to work in build- 
ing their houses. The Creek Indians who went thither upon 
occasion of this new settlement, agreed that the English 
should possess St. Simon's Island, with the others contiguous 
to it. The land of the island is very fertile, chiefly oak and 
hickory, intermixed with savannahs and old Indian fields, and 
according to a survey made of it, it is about forty-five miles 
in circumference. 

For a communication between the settlements in the north- 
ern and southern parts of the province by land, a road was 
soon afterwards opened 
The persons sent ^ ^'''",','J' 

on the charity > 470 whereof 341 and 129 and in 224 

this year were ) 
Those in the for- i 

mer years were ' 
The number of"] 

persons sent in I 

the four years > 1044 whereof 742 and 302 and in 463 

to the 9th June | 

1736, were J 



rrilish. Foreign Pro- Men. 

Jestaiits 



574 whereof 401 and 173 and in 239 



of the Colony of Georgia. 293 

The lands granted in trust this year in order to be granted 
out in smaller portions were twenty thousand acres ; and in 
trust for religious uses, to be cultivated, with the money 
arising from private benefactions given for that purpose, in 
order to settle a provision upon a clergyman at Savannah, a 
catechist and a schoolmaster, three hundred acres. 

The lands granted this year to persons going on their own 
expense were nine thousand three hundred acres. 

The money received this year pursuant to Act of Parlia- 
ment was £26,000, and in benefactions 2164/. 195. Qd. 3q., 
whereof in South Carolina 411/. Is. Id. 3q. the amount in 
sterling money, and in England 1753/. I8s. 5d., whereof the 
trustees applied 22,697/. 5s. 5d. 3q. of which they exhibited 
an account to the Lord Chancellor and Master of the Rolls, 
pursuant to their charter, and carried the remainder into 
their succeeding account. 



From the 9lh June, 1736, to the 9th June, 1737. 

For the security of the people (who were settled the last 
year on St. Simon's Island) and the southern part of the 
province, several forts were built this year, viz. : 

One at Frederica, with four regular bastions and a spur 
work towards the river, and several pieces of cannon were 
mounted on it. 

About ten miles from Frederica a large battery is built 
commanding the entrance into the sound, where ten or 
twelve forty gun ships may safely ride, there being sufficient 
water on the Bar called Jekyll for such ships to go over, 
which Bar lies in 30d. 40m. and behind Jekyll Island there 
is water and room enough for shipping for ten miles up. 
The battery is enclosed within a strong wall, and has a 
guard-house within the wall capable of holding twenty-four 
men. 

Another fort was built on the south-west part of the Island 
of St. Peters (now called Cumberland,) which lies in 30d. 
30m. under which fort, on which are mounted several pieces 
of ordnance pointed towards the river, all sloops and boats 
in the inland passage to this island must come. Within the 
pallisade round the fort there are fine springs of water, and 



294 An Account showing the Progress 

there is a well framed timber log house, thirty feet by 
eighteen, with a magazine under it both for ammunition and 
provisions. A scout boat is stationed at this island. 

As these precautions were taken for the southern part of 
the province, directions were given for a fort to be built for 
the security of the northern part, by way of an out-guard 
against any invasion by land. This was at a place called 
Augusta, which has proved a very thriving town, it being 
now the chief place of trade with the Indians, and where the 
traders of both provinces of South Carolina and Georgia re- 
sort, from the security they find there. Augusta is about 
two hundred and thirty miles by water from the town of Sa- 
vannah, and large boats, which carry about nine thousand 
pounds weight of deer-skins, can navigate down the river 
Savannah. The town, which stands upon a high ground 
near the river, is well inhabited, and has several warehouses 
in it furnished with goods for the Indian trade. A road has 
been likewise made, so that horsemen can now ride from this 
town to Savannah, as likewise to the Cherokee Indians, who 
are situated above the town of Augusta, and trade with it. 
A garrison has been kept at this fort at the trustees expense 
till the arrival of the regiment his majesty since ordered for 
the defence of the colony. 

Whilst these dispositions were making for the security of 
the province, the parliament gave ten thousand pounds this 
year for the further settling and securing the colony ; but as 
the expenses of the forts and the supplies which were sent 
for the support of the colony were very great, and as many 
people in the northern part of the province were as yet unable 
to subsist themselves, and out of compassion to them and 
their families a store was still kept open for their subsistence, 
the trustees sent over but few persons this year. 

In the beginning of the year 1737, the Spaniards at 
Augustine made preparations for attacking the colony of 
Georgia ; they laid in quantities of corn and provisions, 
bought up a great number of fire-arms, and large bodies of 
regular troops were sent thither from the Havana. 

The Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina informed the 
magistrates of Savannah of these preparations. This advice 
and the frequent alarms which were otherwise given, drew 
the people off from their labor in the sowing season, and their 
improvements in their plantations were neglected, and they 
were obliged to make preparations for their defence. 



of the Colony of Georgia. 295 

At the same time the Highlanders at New Inverness, who 
were exposed to danger, built a fort there, and twelve 
pieces of cannon were mounted on it. 

Though the people at Savannah were not so immediately 
exposed to danger, they began to build a large fort at their 
town of pallisade work with bastions ; but as the trustees 
perceived this took off the people from their cultivation, that 
the work would be very chargeable, and they had not money 
to support the expense, they found themselves under a 
necessity to put a stop thereto. 
The persons sent ^ -^'^'^.r ^''^'- "'Snu:" . "'"■ 

on the charity > 32 whereof 32 and and in 19 

this year were ) 

Those in the for- > ^^^^ whereof 742 and 302 and in 463 

mer years were ) 
The number of^ 

persons sent in | 

the five years \ 1076 whereof 774 and 302 and in 482 

to the 9th June | 

1737, were J 

The lands granted in trust this year in order to be granted 
out in smaller portions in Georgia were three thousand acres, 
and in trust to be cultivated, with the money arising from 
private benefactions given for that purpose, in order to raise 
a maintenance for a minister and schoolmaster at Frederica, 
and other religious uses, three hundred acres. 

The lands granted this year to persons going on their own 
expense were four thousand three hundred acres. 

The money received this year pursuant to Act of Parlia- 
ment, was £10,000, and in benefactions 3627/. 185. Id., 
whereof in South Carolina the amount in sterling money 
333/. 195. Qd. and in England 3293/. 195. \d. which the 
trustees applied, as also part of their former balance to the 
sum of 17,239/. 195. 5^., of which they exhibited an account 
to the Lord Chancellor, and Master of the Rolls, pursuant to 
their charter, and carried the then remainder to their suc- 
ceeding account. 



From the 9th June, 1737, to the 9th June, 1738. 

The Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina having ac- 
quainted the trustees by a letter dated from the Council 
Chamber the 7th February, 1736-7, that he had received 



296 An Accoimt showing the Progress 

advice from Commodore Dent, of preparations made by the 
Spaniards at Augustine and the Havana, in order to make 
an attack on the colony of Georgia, and the trustees having 
in a ^memorial to his majesty set forth the inability of the 
colony to protect themselves against such a force as was pre- 
])aring at the Havana and Augustine, his Majesty was gra- 
ciously pleased to order a regiment of six hundred effective 
men to be raised and sent to Georgia for the defence and 
protection of it. 

And as an encouragement for the soldiers' good behavior, 
the trustees resolved to give each of them a property in the 
colony ; they therefore made a grant of land in trust for an 
allotment of five acres of land to each soldier of the regi- 
ment to cultivate for his own use and benefit, and to hold the 
same during his continuance in his majesty's service ; and 
for a further encouragement, they resolved, that each soldier, 
who at the end of seven years from the time of his enlisting 
in the regiment, should be desirous of quitting his majesty's 
service, and should have his regular discharge, and w'ould 
settle in the colony, should on his commanding officer's cer- 
tificate of his good behavior, be entitled to a grant of twenty 
acres of land. 

The Parliament having taken into consideration the great 
expenses which the trustees had been at in making roads 
through the province, and the several fortifications in it, and 
the presents made to the Indians to engage them firmer in 
the British interest, and likewise the preparations which were 
making by the Spaniards in order to take or destroy the 
colony, and having granted this year a sum of twenty thou- 
sand pounds for the further settling and securing the colony, 
the trustees made another embarkation, which consisted 
chiefly of persecuted German Protestants. 
The persons sent on ) """^C ""■''""• ^'^.^"' '"""• 

the charity this > 298 whereof 135 and 163 and in 152 

year were . . . ) 

Those in the former ) ^r\yva u c<-f>^A j onn i • Aon 
> 1076 whereof 774 and 302 and in 482 
years were . . ) 

The number of per- "] 

sons sent in the six ' ^^^^ whereof 909 and 465 and in 634 
years to the 9th 
June 1738 were J 

* Appendix, No. G. 



of the Colony of Georgia. 297 

By accounts received from the colony before the end of 
this year, there appear to have been one thousand one 
hundred and ten persons in Georgia, besides those at Tybee, 
Skidoway fort, Argyll, Thunderbolt and Augusta, in the 
northern part, and those at St, Andrews and Amelia in the 
southern part. 

The lands granted in trust this .year in order to be granted 
out in smaller portions in Georgia were three thousand acres. 

The lands granted this year to persons going on their own 
expense were one thousand acres. 

The money received this year pursuant to act of Parlia- 
ment was £20,000, and in benefactions, 909/. 19.s. \Ocl. 2q. 
whereof the trustees applied 18,870/. IS.s. Qd. 2q. of which 
they exhibited an account to the Lord Chancellor, and 
Master of the Rolls, pursuant to their charter, and carried the 
remainder into their succeeding account. 



From the 9th June 1738, to the 9th June 1739. 

As several merchants and captains of ships had for their 
own interest carried into the colony from New York and 
other places, large cargoes of provisions, &.C., great part of 
which (to save the merchants from losses,) was taken in at 
the store without a proper authority from the trustees, and 
an expense created thereby which the trustees could not 
estimate, nor have ability to discharge', and for which certified 
accounts were returned to them ; the trustees published an 
advertisement in the London Gazette, and ordered it to be 
published in the South Carolina Gazette, and to be affixed 
upon the doors of the store-houses at Savannah and Fred- 
erica that out of a due regard to public credit they had re- 
solved, that all expenses which they had ordered or should 
order to be made in America for the use of the colony, 
should be defrayed and paid for in Georgia, in Sola bills of 
exchange only, under their seal ; and they gave notice, that 
no person whatsoever had any authority from them, or in 
their name, or for their account, to purchase or receive any 
cargoes of provisions, stores or necessaries, without paying 
for them in the said Sola bills. 

VOL. II. 38 



298 An Account showing the Progress 

Upon the petition of one Abraham De Lyon, a freeholder 
of Savannah, in Georgia, that he had expended a great sum 
in the cultivation of vines, which he had carried from Portu- 
gal, and had brought to great perfection ; and several cer- 
tificates being produced of his improvements in cultivating 
them, and of the goodness of the grapes, and of their thriv- 
ing in the most barren lands of the province, the trustees 
assisted him to proceed in his improvements. 

The security of the colony being provided for by the reg- 
iment sent over by his Majesty, the Parliament gave eight 
thousand pounds for the further settling the colony. There- 
fore the trustees sent over an estimate of all the expenses 
they allowed to be made in the province, by which several 
military expenses, which they had been engaged in for the 
defence of the colony, and which were very great, were re- 
duced. 

The trustees this year sent over the Reverend Mr. Norris 
to reside at Frederica, with a salary of fifty pounds a year, 
ordered a house to be built for him, and another for the 
inhabitants to perform divine service in till a church could 
be built there. 

The assembly of South Carolina having in the last year 
passed an ordinance for raising a sum to indemnify their 
traders in opposition to the act which was approved of by his 
Majesty in council for maintaining the peace with the Indians 
in the province of Georgia, uj)on a memorial from the trus- 
tees complaining of the said ordinance, and upon a petition 
of the council and assembly of South Carolina against the 
said act, there w^as a solemn hearing before the Lords Com- 
missioners of Trade and Plantations, and afterwards before 
a committee of the Lords of his Majesty's Privy Council. 
Whereupon his Majesty was pleased to order, that the said 
ordinance of the assembly of South Carolina should be re- 
pealed and declared void, and was pleased to send an 
instruction to the trustees to prepare a proper act or ordi- 
nance for settling the trade carried on by the provinces of 
South Carolina and Georgia with the Indians, on such a 
footing as might be for the mutual benefit and satisfaction of 
both provinces. And his Majesty at the same time was 
graciously pleased to give an instruction to Samuel Horsey, 
Esq., Governor and Lieutenant General of South Carolina, 



of the Colony of Georgia. 299 

to recommend to the council and assembly there to pass a 
law for the like purpose in that province. But Samuel Hor- 
sey, Esq., dying soon after, and no other Governor having 
since gone to South Carolina, that affair remains unsettled. 

The trustees immediately sent to Colonel Oglethorpe a 
copy of his Majesty's instructions, and desired that he would 
consult with Lieutenant Governor Bull, in South Carolina, 
that plans of proper acts might be prepared and sent over to 
the trustees for their consideration, in order to answer the 
purposes of his Majesty's instructions, and that in the mean- 
time the commissioners of South Carolina and the commis- 
sioners of Georgia, might proceed in their respective pro- 
vinces in concert with each other to carry on a mutual trade 
to the Indians in both provinces. 

Mr. Stephens, Secretary in Georgia, having informed the 
trustees that the grand jury at Savannah claimed a right of 
administering oaths, and making inquiry thereon into all such 
matters as they should think fit, and the trustees having per- 
ceived that in a representation of the said grand jury they 
had pretended to such right, sent a letter to Mr. Stephens to 
acquaint him, that the trustees were sensible great mischiefs 
might be done by ill-designing men who might procure them- 
selves to be put upon the panel, if this claim of the grand 
jury was allowed of, and therefore the trustees ordered him 
to acquaint the people that the grand jury had no such right, 
and that their claim was entirely illegal. 

As the trustees both by their letters and instructions to the 
magistrates, had constantly exhorted and encouraged the 
people to a cultivation of their lands on which they were to 
depend for their support, and as they found that many (as 
well of those whom they had sent over as objects of charity, 
as of others who at different times had gone into the colony 
from other plantations for a temporary maintenance,) still 
continued in their idleness, and were a burthen upon the 
trust, they gave orders for striking off the store all such as 
having had time to cultivate their lands had neglected it. 
This carried from the colony many of those who had gone 
thither or joined it from any parts of America to gain a sub- 
sistence for a year or two, and of others who had not con- 
sidered the hardships of attending the first settlement of a 
country, and were tired of their labor. 



300 An Account shoioing the Progress 

The trustees receiving an account dated the 12th Febru- 
ary, 1738, from their Secretary in the province, of an un- 
easiness amongst several persons upon the tenures of their 
lots being confined to the heirs male, and they considering 
that the colony had been for some time established, and the 
people grown more numerous, and a regiment being stationed 
in it for its defence, whereby the former tenures became less 
necessary, did on the 15th March following, at their anniver- 
sary meeting, resolve, that in default of issue male, any legal 
possessor of land, might by a deed in writing, or by his last 
will and testament, appoint his daughter as his successor, or 
any other male or female relation, with a proviso, that the 
successor should in the proper court in Georgia, personally 
claim the lot granted or devised within eighteen months after 
the death of the grantor or devisor. 

This was soon after extended to every legal possessor's 
being impowered to appoint any other person to be his suc- 
cessor. 

But whilst the trustees were taking these steps for the sat- 
isfaction of the people, and whilst those in the southern part 
of the province (though exposed to greater danger,) were 
industrious and easy in their settlements, many of those in 
the northern part, who had neglected the cultivation of their 
lands, drew up a representation dated the 9th December, 
1738, setting forth the want of a fee simple to their lands, 
and negroes to cultivate them ; but they were far from being 
seconded or supported by the people in the southern parts of 
the province in this representation, who not only refused to 
sign it, but petitioned the trustees against the use of ne- 
groes, setting forth the danger they should be in from the 
Spaniards, who had proclaimed freedom to all slaves who 
should resort to them, and that by this means they should be 
exposed to an enemy without and a more dangerous one in 
their bosoms. 

The industrious Saltzburgei's also at Ebenezer, (who are 
in the northern part of the province, not far from Savannah) 
petitioned against negroes, and set forth their satisfaction 
and happiness in their settlement ; that they had raised in 
the last season, more rice, pease, potatoes, pumpkins, cab- 
bage, corn, &c., than was necessary for their consumption, 
and that they did not find the climate so warm but that it 
was very tolerable for working people. 



of the Colony of Georgia. 301 

The persons sent on ) ""l^^' «"**^^- ^'^^Z's:°' '''"■ 

the charity this > 9 whereof 2 and 7 and in 4 
year were . . . ) 

Those in the former ) jg^^ thereof 909 and 465 and in 634 

years were . . 3 
The number of per- "^ 

sons sent in the | 

seven years were J- 1383 whereof 911 and 472 and in 638 

9th June 1739 | 

were ... J 

The only return from Georgia this year, was an account 
of the people at Savannah, who were one hundred and nine 
freeholders, besides their wives and children, and besides 
inmates and servants, of the latter of which there were a 
great number, part of whose passages were paid for in the 
next year on representations made to the trustees for that 
purpose. 

The lands granted in trust this year to be cultivated for 
the maintenance of an orphan house in Georgia, were five 
hundred acres. 

The money received this year pursuant to act of parlia- 
ment, was i^8,000, and in benefactions 473/. 9s. M. which 
the trustees applied, as also part of their former balance to 
the amount of 10,347/. 45. Id. of which they exhibited an 
account to the lord chancellor, and master of the rolls, pur- 
suant to their charter, and carried the then remainder into 
their succeeding account. 



From the 9th June, 1739, to the 9th June, 1740. 

At the time that some of the people at Savannah were so 
clamorous for negroes (for seventy-five land and freeholders 
of whom fifty-two were freeholders, did not apply for them) 
the province of South Carolina was under frequent alarms 
on account of their negroes there. They had intelligence 
that a conspiracy was formed by the negroes in Carolina to 
rise and forcibly make their way out of the province, to put 
themselves under the protection of the Spaniards ; who had 
proclaimed freedom to all who should run away to them from 
their owners. That this conspiracy was discovered at Win- 



302 An Account showing the Progress 

yar, the most northern part of that province, from whence as 
the negroes must bend their course, it argued that the other 
parts of the province must be privy to it, and that the rising 
was to be universal. Whereupon the whole province was 
upon their guard ; the number of negroes in South Carolina 
being computed to be about forty thousand, and the number 
of white men at most not above five thousand. As several 
negroes who w^ere employed in periaguas and other like 
craft (which they carried off with them) had taken the ben- 
efit of the Spaniards' proclamation and gone to Augustine, 
the government of South Carolina sent a solemn deputation 
to demand their slaves ; this deputation consisted of Mr. 
Brathwaite, a member of the council, Mr. Rutlidge, one of 
the assembly, and Mr. Amian, clerk of the assembly ; but 
the governor of Augustine, though in time of profound 
peace, peremptorily refused to deliver them up, and declared 
he had orders to receive all such as should come there and 
protect them. 

Upon this, and the petition which was sent from the High- 
landers at Darien, and the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer, repre- 
senting the danger and inconvenience of the introduction of 
negroes, the trustees sent under their seal answer to the 
representation of some of the inhabitants of Savannah. 

Among the persons to w^hom grants of land were made in 
order to their settling at their own expense in the colony, 
some never went over; others were gentlemen of Carolina 
who neglected to take up their lands, or even desire to have 
them laid out ; and others who quitted their plantations, and 
went to reside at Savannah as shop-keepers. One man .in 
particular, an apothecary surgeon, from the beginning neg- 
lected his grant and followed his practice in the town ; an- 
other quitted his plantation and betook himself to selling of 
rum. To these two almost all the town of Savannah were 
indebted for physic or rum, and they first raised the clamor 
that lands might be ahenable, and negroes admitted, which 
would have made them possessors of the chief part of the 
lots. To these some others who had gone at their own ex- 
pense, and had employed their covenanted servants on their 
plantations joined themselves, taking their servants from their 
labor and letting them out to hire in the town for the sake of 
an immediate profit, on which they lived in an idle and riot- 
ous manner ; and even at the time when their servants were 



of the Colony of Georgia. 303 

taken off from their proper labor in their plantations, they 
fomented the clamor for negroes in order to carry them on. 
The spirit of idleness which was very early introduced in 
the town, many of the people were too ready to follow ; 
constant clubs. have been held, and horse races kept up by 
them to amuse and divert the people from their labor. And 
delinquents (who have insulted the laws even in the courts 
of justice and declared they would do their utmost to destroy 
the colony) have, when committed to prison, been abetted 
and supported by them. By these the beforementioned 
representation was formed, and many of the people by their 
own inclination to idleness, by the power the others had 
over them as creditors, and by hopes being given them that 
if they stuck together the trustees must grant them negroes, 
or see the colony abandoned, were thus drawn in to sign the 
same, in wdiich they in a manner demanded the permission 
of negroes and an alteration of their tenures. 

The trustees to make all the people as easy and contented 
as they could, published an advertisement in the London 
Gazette, the 8th September, 1739, and other papers, which 
was continued for several days, and ordered it to be pub- 
lished in the South Carolina Gazette, that they had resolved 
to enlarge their grants on failure of issue male, and to make 
a provision for the widows of the grantees in the following 
manner, viz., that the lands already granted should on failure 
of issue male descend to the daughters of such grantees, 
and in case there should be no issue male or female, that the 
grantee might devise such lands, and for want of such de- 
vise that such lands should descend to their heirs at law ; 
with a proviso that the possession of the person who should 
enjoy such devise should not be increased to more than five 
hundred acres, and that the widows of the grantees should 
hold and enjoy the dwelling-house, garden, and one moiety 
of the lands their husbands should die seized of for and 
during the term of their lives. 

The trustees directed, in the advertisement, that those who 
intended to have the benefit given them should enter their 
respective claims, in order that proper grants and convey- 
ances in the law might be forthwith prepared and executed 
for that purpose ; and that no fee or reward was to be taken 
for the entering of any such claim directly or indirectly by 
any person or persons whatsoever. 



304 An Account showing the Progress 

In the month of August, 1739, the trustees received ad- 
vice from General Ogletliorpe, that he had frequent intelli- 
gence of the Spaniards endeavoring to bribe the Indians, 
and particular the Creek nation, into a rupture with the 
English, which made it necessary for him to go to the gen- 
eral assembly of the Indian nations at the Coweta-Town, 
about five hundred miles distant from Frederica, in order to 
prevent such designs and seditions among them, and that he 
had been obliged to buy horses and presents to carry up to 
this meeting, where the Choctaws (who are upon the fron- 
tiers between the English and French Settlements) and the 
Chickasaws were to send their deputies. 

This journey of General Oglethorpe's has since appeared 
to be of great service to the public ; for on the 26th August, 
1739, Mr. Stephens received an express from Col. Bull, 
lieutenant governor of South Carolina, that he had intelli- 
gence from lieutenant governor Clarke, of New York, con- 
cerning the French marching from Montreal, near Quebec, 
with a body of about two hundred regular troops and five 
hundred Indians, who were to be reinforced by French and 
Indians in their journey. That this army was designed 
against the Indians in friendship with his Britannic majes- 
ty's subjects of Carolina and Georgia, wdio are situated near 
some branches of the Mississippi river. Col. Bull added, 
that he should immediately despatch an express to the Creek 
nations with advice to General Oglethorpe of the contents 
of lieutenant governor Clarke's letter, and that it was neces- 
sary that both the provinces of Carolina and Georgia should 
be on their guard, though if the Creek Indians should prove 
true, the danger would not be great ; General Oglethorpe by 
his treaties with the Indians in this journey has confirmed 
them in the British interest, and made a new treaty with 
them whereby their former concession of lands to Great 
Britain was confirmed and extended. 

A parcel of raw silk was brought this year from Georgia 
by one Mr. Samuel Augspourguer, who made an aflidavit 
before a master in chancery, that he received it from the 
hands of Mr. Thomas Jones, the trustees' storekeeper at Sa- 
vannah, who told him it was the produce of Georgia, and 
the said Samuel Augspourguer, w^ho resided in the southern 
part of the province said, that when at Savannah, he saw 
the Italian family there winding off silk from the cocoons^ 



of the Colony of Georgia. 305 

The silk was showed at the trustees' office to Mr. John 
Zachary, an eminent raw silk merchant, and Mr. Booth, one 
of the greatest silk weavers in England, who declared it was 
as fine as any Italian silk, and that it was worth at least 
twenty shillings a pound. 

This Mr. Samuel Augspourguer, who joined the colony in 
the year 1736, left it in July, 1739, with two men servants 
and their children on his plantation, and came over to obtain 
a grant of five hundred acres of land, and to get some of 
his own countrymen from the canton of Beam in Switzer- 
land to go with him as servants on his return to Georgia, in 
-order to proceed more effectually in the cultivation of his 
lands. 
The persons whose ^ ^'"'"'^''' ^'''''''- ^"'•"■?" ^'" 



sent. Protestants. 

passages were ( i3g ^y^ereof 4 and 134 and in 49 

paid tor on the 

charity were . J 
The persons sent on ) 

the charity in the > 1383 whereof 91 1 and 472 and in 638 

former years were ) 
The number of per- \ 

sons sent in the | 

eight years to the [> 1521 whereof 915 and 606 and in 687 

9th June, 1740, | 

were j 

The lands granted this year to be cultivated at the ex- 
pense of the Incorporated Society in Scodand for promoting 
christian knowledge in order to raise a maintenance for the 
Scots minister at New Inverness in Georgia, were three 
hundred acres. 

The lands granted this year to be cultivated by a person 
at his own expense were five hundred acres. 

The lands granted in trust in the said eight years in order 
to be granted out in smaller portions in Georgia, were forty- 
one thousand six hundred acres ; to be cultivated for relig- 
ious uses were nine hundred acres, and to be cultivated for 
the maintenance of an orphan house were five hundred 
acres. 

The lands granted in the said eight years to persons who 
were to cultivate them at their own expense were twenty- 
seven thousand one hundred and eighty-five acres. 

The money received this year pursuant to act of Parlia- 

VOL. II. 39 



306 An Account showing the Progress 

ment was £20,000, and in benefactions 181/. 4.9. Sd. 2q. 
whereof in South Carolina the amount in sterling money 
86/. 6.9. Ik/. 2q. and in England 94/. 175. 4d. whereof the 
trustees applied 16,6M/. 2.9. 5d. 2q. of which they exhibited 
an account to the Lord Chancellor, and the Lord Chief 
Justice of the court of the King's Bench, pursuant to their 
charter, and the remainder of all the money they ever re- 
ceived being 5917/. 75. 7d. will be carried into their succeed- 
ing account. 



From the 9th June, 1740, to the present time. 

The trustees this year took further methods for the satis- 
faction of the people in the province ; they extended the 
tenures by which a daughter of a grantee, or any other per- 
son, was made capable of enjoying by devise or inheritance, 
any quantity of lands which did not increase her or his pos- 
session to more than two thousand acres. 

A license was likewise granted to all the present posses- 
sors of land in Georgia, to make leases of any parts of their 
lots for any term not exceeding three years to any person 
residing in Georgia and who should reside there during the 
term of such lease. 

A general release was likewise passed, by which no ad- 
vantage was to be taken against any of the present pos- 
sessors of land in Georgia for any forfeitures incurred at any 
time before Christmas, 1740, in relation either to the tenure 
or cultivation of lands, and the possessors of fifty acres of 
land were not obliged to cultivate more than five acres 
thereof in ten years from their grants, and those under fifty 
acres in proportion. And the possessors of five hundred 
acres of land were not obliged to cultivate more than one 
hundred and twenty acres thereof in twenty years from 
their grants, and those of under five hundred acres and 
above fifty acres in proportion, in order to prevent any for- 
feitures for want of cultivating the quantities required. 

Under these circumstances it is presumed that no com- 
plaint can now with reason be made against the tenure by 
which the inhabitants at this time hold their lands, since they 
have more power than is generally given by marriage settle- 



of the Colony of Georgia. 307 

ments in which the grantees are only tenants for life, incapa- 
ble of mortgaging or aliening or making any disposition by 
their last will, whereas the freeholders in Georgia are now 
become tenants in tail general, and may, with the license of 
the common council of the said trustees upon application 
made to them for that purpose, mortgage or alien, and 
further without that license have it absolutely in their 
power on failure of issue in tail to dispose thereof by their 
last will. 

By an account received from the Secretary in the province 
it appears, that on the 1st August, 1740, about seventy free- 
holders of the northern part of the province, delivered in the 
town court of Savannah their claims of lots under the tenures 
which were advertised the last year in the South Carolina 
and London Gazettes. 

That on the 15th of the same month, as many or more 
appeared in the said town court of the said occasion, and 
that on the 27th of the same month divers more delivered in 
their claims likewise. 

The trustees are informed by their Secretary in the pro- 
vince, that in pursuance of their orders he had just finished 
an authentical account of the state of the colony with respect 
to the number of inhabitants in the several towns and vil- 
lages, the number of houses and the settlements made, the 
progress w^hich the several people had made in the cultiva- 
tion of their lands, and their ability or inability to support 
themselves, and in case were the last appeared the reason of 
it; the proportion of the different sorts of soil as near as 
could be computed, and an account of the several produces 
which by experience or appearance could or might be raised 
for trade. And the trustees are daily in expectation of re- 
ceiving from him the said account. But by the several 
accounts before received, they are enabled to give, though 
an imperfect one, the following state of the settlements, viz. : 

The town of Savannah is about ten miles up the river 
Savannah, where are (besides warehouses and huts) at least 
one hundred and thirty houses in the town ; as these for the 
sake of air, and to prevent the spreading of any fire, are 
built at some distance from each other, they make several 
spacious squares and wide streets. There is a regular mag- 
istracy settled in the town, which the trustees are obliged to 
be at the expense of supporting till the colony arrives at 



308 An Account showing the Progress 

sufficient strength to do it. There are in the town a court 
house, a store house, a gaol, a house for the trust servants, a 
wharf, a guard-house, and some other public buildings ; a 
church is at present building, and a clergyman is settled 
there. The town is excellently situated for trade, the navi- 
gation of the river being very secure, and ships of three 
hundred tons can lie within six yards of the town, and the 
worm does not eat them. 

About four miles from Savannah, inland from the river, 
are the two villages Highgate and Hampstead, which lie at 
about a mile distant from each other. The people settled 
there apply themselves chiefly to gardening, and supply the 
town of Savannah with quantities of greens and garden 
stuff. 

By the account of Mr. Thomas Stephens, who at his 
father's request was sent over to assist him in his business of 
Secretary in the province, and continued with him there 
some short time, he states that there are twenty plantations 
within twenty miles round Savannah, which have each of 
them from five to thirty acres of land cleared. 

About fifteen miles from Savannah is a village called Aber- 
corn ; about twenty miles further up the river is the town of 
Ebenezer, where the Saltzburgers are settled, with two min- 
isters, one of whom computed that the number of his con- 
gregation in June 1738 consisted of one hundred and forty- 
six. Therefore, as the infants could not be reckoned in the 
computation, and as seven more have since been sent and 
settled with them, it is believed the number has been in- 
creased ; especially since the town is so health3% that by a 
letter sent to the Society for Propagating Christian Know- 
ledge by the Reverend Mr. Boltzius, one of the ministers at 
Ebenezer, dated the 26th June, 1740, he declared, that in a 
year's time one person only had died, which was a child of 
four years old. The people are industrious and sober; they 
raise not only a sufficient quantity of corn and other pro- 
duces for their own subsistence, but they sell great quantities 
to those at Savannah who have not been so careful of their 
own plantations ; they have great herds of cattle, and are in 
so thriving a condition, that not one person has abandoned 
his settlement, or sent over the least complaint about the 
tenures or the want of negroes. On the contrar}^ they in a 
body petitioned against the use of negroes, and their minis- 



of the Colony of Georgia. 309 

ters have declared, that their signing that petition was a vol- 
untary act. And at their desire another embarkation of their 
countrymen, who are willing to go from Germany and join 
them, is designed to be sent with all convenient speed. 

About ten miles from hence, and upon a river running into 
Savannah, is a place called Old Ebenezer, where is a cow- 
pen, and a great number of cattle for the use of the public 
and for breeding. 

At a considerable distance from hence is the town of 
Augusta, before described, which, with the great resort of 
traders and Indians, is in a thriving condition, and is and will 
be a great protection to both the provinces of Carolina and 
Georgia against any designs of the French. 

In the southern part of the province is the town of New 
Inverness, upon the river Alatamaha, where the Highlanders 
are settled. 

And about twenty miles from hence, on the island of St. 
Simons, near the sea, is the town of Frederica, with a regu- 
lar magistracy, as at Savannah, supported at the expense of 
the trust ; strong fortifications round the town are almost 
finished, and at the south-east point of the island are barracks 
for three hundred and thirty men. 

There are setdements on the islands of Jekyll and Cum- 
berland, which lie at a small distance from each other to the 
southward of Frederica, and on the last, two forts are built, 
one of which was described before, and the other was fin- 
ished in April, 1740, upon the south end of the island. It 
commands the inlet of Amelia sound, is strongly palisaded 
with flankers, and is defended by eight pieces of cannon. 

Barracks are built upon this island for two hundred and 
twenty men, with store-houses, which were finished in Octo- 
ber, 1738. 

There are six forts in the province, and a battery of can- 
non erected to secure the harbor of St. Simons, under which 
ships may safely lie. 

The Indians, from the presents which they have annually 
received from the trustees, and from the justice and humanity 
with which they have been treated, are secured in the British 
interest, notwithstanding the arts both of the French and the 
Spaniards to seduce them. By this South Carolina has been 
free from those wars, in which (as the preamble of his Ma- 
jesty's charter sets forth,) they had frequently suffered, and 



310 An Account showing the Progress, ^-c. 

so late as in the year 1715, had been laid almost waste with 
fire and sword, and by the security which South Carolina 
received by such a frontier as Georgia is to it, very large 
tracts of land have been cultivated in the southern part of 
that province, which no person would venture to settle on 
before, and a great quantity of rice raised thereon. 

As the people in Georgia sent on the charity were sup- 
ported to enable them to raise their own provisions in the 
first place on the lands they should clear, and to convert the 
timber they should cut down in clearing those lands into 
lumber, which they might to their great advantage transport 
to the sugar colonies, and further to raise silk, wine and oil, 
for which the climate was very proper, it was hoped from 
thence they would gain a comfortable subsistence, and be of 
service to their mother country in raising such produces, 
which at present are purchased from foreigners with ready 
money. 

Having thus stated the plan laid down for the trustees by 
his Majesty's charter, the several steps taken by them for the 
execution of that plan, with their yearly progress therein, the 
several obstructions from unforeseen accidents which have 
checked that progress, with the present condition of the 
colony, according to the latest and most authentic accounts 
from thence, they submit the whole to the wisdom of this 
honorable House, being entirely disposed to follow any di- 
rections that shall flow from thence. And as they have no 
other view but the service of their country, by making this 
colony as useful to the interest of Great Britain, as by its 
situation and climate it is capable of being, they heartily wish 
the trust in abler hands, that those important services might 
not be defeated through their inability. 

By order of the trustees, 

Beivjamin Martyn, Secretary. 



APPENDIX. 



No. I. 

To the Trustees for EstahlisUing the Colony of Georgia. 

Gentlemen — In writing this answer to a letter I had the 
honor to receive from you, dated the 29th instant, wherein 
you desire to know my sentiments of an undertaking to raise 
raw silk in your new setdement in Georgia ; of the proba- 
bility of succeeding therein ; the proper steps to be taken to 
bring that work to perfection, and my opinion of the nature, 
quality and use of the raw silk produced in Carolina : It is 
a great pleasure to me, that from experiments which I made 
some years ago, I can now, besides my opinion, give you 
some information concerning that silk which may be de- 
pended on. 

The value and usefulness of the undertaking will appear 
as soon as we consider that all the silk consumed in this 
kingdom is now of foreign growth and manufacture, which 
costs the nation very great sums of money yearly to pur- 
chase ; and that the raising our supply thereof in his ma- 
jesty's dominions in America would save us all that money, 
afford employment to many thousands of his majesty's sub- 
jects, and greatly increase the trade and navigation of Great 
Britain. 

It appears to me as beneficial to the kingdom, attended 
with as little hazard or difficulty, as much wanted, and 
which may as soon be brought to perfection in a proper cli- 
mate as any undertaking so considerable in itself, that I ever 
heard of. I therefore think that there is a very great proba- 



312 Appendix. 

bility of its succeeding, if such proper methods are pursued, 
and such assistance afibrded to the poor people at their first 
setting out, as are necessary to settle, instruct and encourage 
them. 

The silk produced in Carolina has as much natural strength 
and beauty as the silk of Italy (which is commonly called fine 
silk,) and by the several experiments I have tried with it, I 
am satisfied that it might be made to answer the same pur- 
poses that Italian silk now does, if it be reeled in short skeins, 
a fine clean and even thread. To effect which, if some ex- 
perienced persons are at first sent to teach the people, the 
work will soon be made easy to the meanest capacity, and 
the value of the silk will be thereby greatly increased. 

As for my own part, if at any time you should think I can 
be of use to promote so good a work, I shall be ready to 
execute your commands as far as I am able ; and always 
remain, 

Gentlemen, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

Tho. Lombe. 

Old Jaory, Jan. 31, 1732. 



No. II. 



Extract of a letter from South Carolina Gazette, dated at 
Charleston, 22d March, 1732. 

On Tuesday, the 13th instant, I w^ent on board a canoe in 
company with Mr. Geo. Ducat aad Mr. John Balantine, with 
four negroes, and about 10 o'clock we set out from Mr. 
Lloyd's bridge for Georgia, and passing by Port Royal on 
Wednesday night, we arrived on Friday morning an hour 
before day at Yamacraw, a place so called by the Indians, 
but now Savannah, in the colony of Georgia. Sometime 
before we came to the landing the sentinel challenged us, 
and understanding who we were, admitted us on shore. 
This is a very high bluff, forty feet perpendicular from high 
water mark. It Ties, according to Capt. Gascoigne's Obser- 
vation, in the latitude of 3 Id. 58m. which he took ofFTybee, 
an island that lies at the mouth of the Savannah river. It 



Appendix. 313 

is distant from Charleston S.W. according to course and 
windings of the rivers and creeks about 140 miles, but by a 
direct course 77, allowing Suillivant's Island to be in the lati- 
tude of 32d. 47ni. from Augustine N.E. and by E. about 140 
miles, and by the course of the rivers is distant from Fort 
Moore 300 miles, but upon a direct line but 1 15 miles N.W. 
and by W. This bluff is distant 10 miles from the mouth of 
the rivers on the south side, and Purrysburg is 24 miles 
above it on the north, and is so situated that you have a 
beautiful prospect both up and down the river. It is very 
sandy and barren, and consequently a wholesome place for 
a town or city. There are on it 130 odd souls, and from the 
time they embarked from London to the time I left the place, 
there died but two sucking children, and them at sea. 
When they arrived, there was standing on it a great quantity 
of the best sort of pine, most of which is already cut down 
on the spot where the town is laid out to be built. The land 
is barren about a mile back, when you come into very rich 
ground ; and on both sides, within a quarter of a mile of the 
town, is choice good planting land. Col. Bull told me that 
he had been seven miles back and found it extraordinary 
good. 

Mr. Oglethorpe is indefatigable, takes a great deal of pains, 
his fare is but indifferent, having little else at present but salt 
provisions. He is extremely well beloved by all his people ; 
the general title they give him is father. If any of them is 
sick he immediately visits them and takes a great deal of care 
of them. If any difference arises he is the person that de- 
cides it. Two happened while I was there and in my 
presence, and all the parties went away to outward appear- 
ance satisfied and contented with his determination. He 
keeps a strict discipline ; I never saw one of his people drunk 
nor heard one of them swear, all the time I was there ; he 
does not allow them rum, but in lieu gives them English 
beer ; it is surprising to see how cheerful the men go to work 
considering they have not been bred to it. There are no 
idlers there — even the boys and girls do their parts. There 
are four houses already up but none finished, and he hopes 
when he has got more sawyers, which I suppose he will have 
in a short time, to finish two houses a week. He has 
ploughed up some land, part of which he has sowed with 
wheat, which is come up and looks promising. He has two 

VOL. II. 40 



314 Appendix, 

or three gardens which he has sowed with divers sorts of 
seeds, and planted thyme and other sort of pot-herbs, sage, 
leeks, skellions, celery, liquorice, &c. and several sorts of 
trees. He was pallisading the town round, including some 
pait of the common, which I do suppose may be finished in 
about a fortnight's time. In short, he has done a vast deal 
of work for the time, and I think his name justly deserves to 
be immortalized. 

Mv. Oglethorpe has with him Sir Walter Raleigh's written 
journal, and by the latitude of the place, the marks and tra- 
ditions of the Indians, it is the very first place where he first 
went on shore, and talked W'ith the Indians, and was the 
first Englishman they ever saw; and about half a mile from 
Savannah is a high mount of earth, under which lies their 
chief king : and the Indians informed Mr. Oglethorpe that 
their king desired before he died, that he might be buried on 
the spot where he talked with that great, good man. 

The river water is very good, and Mr. Oglethorpe has 
proved it several ways, and thinks it as good as the river of 
Thames. On Monday, the 19th, w^e took our leave of Mr. 
Oglethorpe at nine o'clock in the morning, and embarked for 
Charleston ; and when we set off he was pleased to honor 
us with a volley of small arms and the discharge of five can- 
non : and coming down the rivers we found the water per- 
fectly fresh six miles below the town, and saw six or seven 
large sturgeon leap, with which fish that river abounds, as 
also with trout, perch, cat and rock fish, &:c., and in the 
winter season there is variety of wild fowl, especially tur- 
keys, some of them weighing thirty pounds, and abundance 
of deer. 



No. 3. 



To such persons who can carry ten men servants, and 
settle with them in Georgia, at their own expense, and whose 
characters the trustees, upon inquiry, shall approve of, will 
be granted five hundred acres of land in tail male, and de- 
scend to the heirs male. of their bodies for ever, under the 
yearly rents of twenty shillings sterling money for every 
hundred acres, for the support of the colon}^, the payment of 
which is not to commence until ten years after the grant. 



Appendix. 315 

And the land is so granted upon the following conditions 
and covenants. 

That such persons do pay the rent reserved as the same 
shall become due, and no part to be unpaid for six months 
after due. 

That they within a month of the grant shall register the 
same, or a memorial thereof with the auditor of the planta- 
tions. 

That they within twelve months from the grant, shall go 
to and arrive in Georgia, with ten able bodied men servants, 
being each of the age of twenty years and upwards. 

That they shall abide in Georgia with such men servants 
three years from the registering the grant there, building 
their houses and cultivating their lands. 

That they shall clear and cultivate within ten years from 
the grant, two hundred acres of land, part of the said five 
hundred acres, and plant two thousand white mulberry trees 
or plants thereupon, and on every hundred of the other three 
hundred acres, one thousand white mulberry trees or plants 
when cleared, and preserve the same quantity from time to 
time thereupon, the trustees obliging themselves to furnish 
the plants. 

That they do not alienate the said five hundred acres of 
land or any part thereof, for any term of years, or any estate 
or interest in the same, to any person or persons, without 
special leave. 

That they do not make potash in partnership without 
leave, but may make it themselves not in partnership. 

On the determination of the estate in tail male, the land 
to revert to the trust. 

That they shall not depart the said province without li- 
cense. 

All forfeitures for non-residence, high treason, felonies, 
&,c., are to the trustees for the use and benefit of the colony. 

If any part of the said five hundred acres of land shall not 
be cultivated, planted, cleared and fenced round about with 
worm fence or pales six feet high, within eighteen years from 
the grant, all and every such part shall revert to the trust, 
and the grant as to such part be void. 

And the common council of the trust at the expirations of 
the terms such men servants shall be severally bound for, 
(being none less than four years) when requested by the 



316 Appendix. 

grantee, will grant to each of such men servants twenty- 
acres of land in tail male, under such rents, conditions, lim- 
itations and agreements, as shall have been then last granted 
to any others men servants in like circumstance. 

When the land reverts to the trust on the determination 
of the estate in tail male, it is to be granted again to such 
person as the common council of the trust shall think most 
for the advantage of the colony, and the trust will have a 
special regard to the daughters of such who have made 
improvements on their lots, not already provided for by hav- 
ing married or marrying persons in possession or entitled to 
lands in the province of Georgia, in possession or remainder. 

And the wives of such persons, in case they should survive 
their husbands, are, during their lives, entitled to the mansion 
house and one half of the lands improved by their husbands, 
that is to say, inclosed with a fence six feet high. 

Negroes and rum are prohibited to be used in the said 
province, and trade with the Indians unless licensed. 



No. 4. 



To the King's most excellent Majesty. 

The humble Memorial and Representation of the state and 
condition of your Majestifs province of South Carolina, 
from the General Assembly of the said province. 

Your majesty's most dutiful subjects of this province, 
having often felt with hearts full of gratitude, the many sig- 
nal instances of your most sacred majesty's peculiar favor 
and protection, to those distant parts of your dominions, and 
especially those late proofs of your majesty's most gracious 
and benign care, so wisely calculated for the preservation of 
this your majesty's frontier province on the continent of 
America, by your royal charter to the trustees for establish- 
ing the colony of Georgia, and your great goodness so timely 
applied, for the promoting the settlement of the Swiss at 
Purrysburg ; encouraged by such views of your majesty's 
wise and paternal care, extended to your remotest subjects, 
and excited by the duty we owe to your most sacred ma- 
jesty, to be always watchful for the support and security of 



Appendix. 317 

your majesty's interest, especially at this very critical con- 
juncture, when the flame of a war breaking out in Europe, 
may very speedily be lighted here in this your majesty's 
frontier province, which, in situation, is known to be of the 
utmost importance to the general trade and traffic in Ameri- 
ca. We therefore, your majesty's most faithful governor, 
council and commons, convened in your majesty's province 
of South Carolina, crave leave with great humility to repre- 
sent to your majesty the present state and condition of this 
your province, and how greatly it stands in need of your 
majesty's gracious and timely succor in case of a war, to as- 
sist our defence against the French and Spaniards, or any 
other enemies to your majesty's dominions, as well as against 
the many nations of savages which so nearly threaten the 
safety of your majesty's subjects. 

The province of South Carolina, and the new colony of 
Georgia are the southern frontiers of all your majesty's do- 
minions on the continent of America, to the south and south- 
west of which is situated the strong casde of St. Augustine, 
garrisoned by four hundred Spaniards, who have several 
nations of Indians under their subjection, besides several 
other small settlements and garrisons, some of which are not 
eighty miles distant from the colony of Georgia. To the 
south-west and west of us the French have erected a con- 
siderable town near Fort Thoulouse on the Mobile river, and 
several other forts and garrisons, some not above three hun- 
dred miles distant from our settlements : and at New Or- 
leans, on the Mississippi river, since her late Majesty Queen 
Anne's war they have exceedingly increased their strength 
and traffic, and have now many forts and garrisons on both 
sides of that great river for several hundred miles up the 
same ; and since his most Christian Majesty has taken out of 
the Mississippi Company, the government of that country 
into his own hands, the French natives in Canada come daily 
down in shoals to settle all along that river, where many 
regular forces have of late been sent over by the king to 
strengthen the garrisons in those places, and according to our 
best and latest advices, they have five hundred men in pay, 
constantly employed as Wood-Rangers, to keep their neigh- 
boring Indians in subjection, and to prevent the distant ones 
from disturbing the setdements ; which management of the 
French has so well succeeded, that we are now very well 



318 Appendix. 

assured they have wholly now in their possession and under 
their influence, the several numerous nations of Indians that 
are situate near the Mississippi river, one of which, called the 
Choctaws, by estimation consists of about five thousand 
fighting men, and who were always deemed a very warlike 
nation, lies on this side the river not above four hundred 
miles distant from our out-settlements, among whom, as w^ell 
as several other nations of Indians, many French Europeans 
have been sent to settle, Avhom the priests and missionaries 
among them encourage to take Indian wives, and use divers 
other alluring methods to attach the Indians the better to the 
French alliance, by which means the French are become 
thoroughly acquainted with the Indian way, warring and 
living in the woods, and have now a great number of white 
men among them, able to perform a long march wdth an army 
of Indians upon any expedition. 

We further beg leave to inform your majesty, that if the 
measures of France should provoke your majesty to a state 
of hostility against it in Europe, we have great reason to ex- 
pect an invasion will be here made upon your majesty's sub- 
jects by the French and Indians from the Mississippi settle- 
ments. They have already paved a way for a design of that 
nature, by erecting a fort called the Albama Fort, alias Fort 
Lewis, in the middle of the upper Creek Indians, upon a 
navigable river leading to Mobile, which they have kept well 
garrisoned and mounted with fourteen pieces of cannon, and 
have lately been prevented from erecting a second nearer to 
us on that quarter. The Creeks are a nation very bold, ac- 
tive and daring, consisting of about thirteen hundred fight- 
ing men (and not above one hundred and fifty miles distant 
from the Choctaws) whom, though we heretofore have traded 
with, claimed and held in our alliance, yet the French on 
account of that fort and a superior ability to make them lib- 
eral presents, have been for some time striving to draw them 
over to their interest, and have succeeded with some of the 
towns of the Creeks ; which, if they can be secured in your 
majesty's interest, are the only nation which your majesty's 
subjects here can depend upon as the best barrier against 
any attempts either of the French or their confederate Indians. 

We most humbly pray leave farther to inform your ma- 
jesty, that the French at Mobile perceiving that they could 
not gain the Indians to their interest, without buying their 



Appendix. 319 

deer-skins, (which is the only commodity the Indians have 
to purchase necessaries with) and the French not being able 
to dispose of those skins by r6ason of their having no vend 
for them in old France, they have found means to encourage 
vessels from hence, New-York, and other places (which are 
not prohibited by the acts of trade) to truck those skins with 
them for Indian trading goods, especially the British woollen 
manufactures, which the French dispose of to the Creeks 
and Choctaws, and other Indians, by which means the In- 
dians are much more alienated from our interest, and on every 
occasion object to us that the French can supply them with 
strouds and blankets as well as the English, which would 
have the contrary effect if they were wholly supplied with 
those commodities by your Majesty's subjects trading with 
them. If a stop were therefore put to that pernicious trade 
with the French, the Creek Indians' chief dependence would 
be on this government, and that of Georgia, to supply them 
with goods ; by which means great part of the Choctaws, 
living next the Creeks, would see the advantage the Creek 
Indians enjoyed by having British woollen manufactures 
wholly from your Majesty's subjects, and thereby be invited 
in a short time to enter into a treaty of commerce with us, 
which they have lately made some offers for, and which, if 
effected, will soon lessen the interest of the French with 
those Indians, and by degrees attach them to that of your 
majesty. 

The only expedient we can propose to recover and con- 
firm that nation to your majesty's interest, is by speedily 
making them presents to w'ithdraw them from the French 
alliance, and by building some forts among them your ma- 
jesty may be put in such a situation, that on the first notice 
of hostilities with the French, your majesty may be able at 
once to reduce the Albama fort, and we may then stand 
against the French and their Indians, which, if not timely 
prepared for before a war breaks out, we have too much 
reason to fear we may be soon overrun by the united strength 
of the French, the Creeks and Choctaws, with many other 
nations of their Indians allies : for, should the Creeks become 
wholly enemies, who are well acquainted with all our settle- 
ments, we probably should also be soon deserted by the 
Cherokees, and a few others, small tribes of Indians, who, 
for the sake of our booty, would readily join to make us a 



320 Appendix. 

prey to the French and savages. Ever since the late Indian 
war, the offences given us then by the Creeks have made 
that nation very jealous of your majesty's subjects of this 
province. We have therefore concerted measures with the 
Honorable James Oglethorpe, Esq., who, being at the head 
of a new colony, will (we hope) be successful for your ma- 
jesty's interest amongst that people. He has already by 
presents attached the Lower Creeks to your majest}', and 
has laudably undertaken to endeavor the fixing a garrison 
among the Upper Creeks, the expense of which is already in 
part provided for in this session of the General Assembly of 
this province. We hope therefore to prevent the French 
from encroaching farther on your majesty's territories, until 
your majesty is graciously pleased further to strengthen and 
secure the same. 

We find the Cherokee nation has lately become very in- 
solent to your majesty's subjects trading among them, not- 
withstanding the many favors the chiefs of that nation re- 
ceived from your majesty in Great Britain, besides a consid- 
erable expense which your majesty's subjects of this pro- 
vince have been at in making them presents, which inclines 
us to believe that the French by their Indians have been 
tampering with them. We therefore beg leave to inform 
your majesty, that the building and mounting some forts 
likewise am.ong the Cherokees and making them presents, 
will be highly necessary to keep them steady in their duty 
to your majesty, lest the French may prevail in seducing that 
nation, which they may the more readily be inclined to from 
the prospect of getting considerable plunder in slaves, cattle, 
&,c., commodities which they very well know they have 
among us ; several other forts will be indispensably necessary, 
to be a cover to your majesty's subjects settled backwards 
in this province, as also to those of the colony of Georgia, 
both which in length are very extensive ; for though the 
trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia, by a partic- 
ular scheme of good management painfully conducted by the 
gentleman engaged here in that charitable enterprise, has 
put that small part of the colony which he has not yet been 
able to establish, in a tenable condition against the Spaniards 
of Florida which lie to the southward ; yet the back expo- 
sition of those colonies to the vast number of French and 
Indians which border on the westward, must, in case of a 



Appendix. 32 1 

war, cry greatly aloud for your Majesty's gracious and timely 
succor. The expense of our safety on such an occasion, we 
must, with all humility, acquaint your Majesty, either for men 
or money, can. never be effected by your Majesty's subjects 
of this province, who, in conjunction with Georgia, do not in 
the whole amount to more than three thousand five hundred 
men, which compose the militia, and wholly consist of plant- 
ers, tradesmen, and other men of business. 

Besides the many dangers which by land we are exposed 
to fi'om so many enemies that lie on the back of us, we 
further beg leave to represent to your Majesty, the defence- 
less condition of our ports and harbors, where any enemies of 
your Majesty's dominions may very easily by sea invade us, 
there being no fortifications capable of making much resist- 
ance. Those in Charleston harbor are now in a very ruinous 
condition, occasioned by the late violent storms and hurri- 
canes, which already cost this country a great deal of money, 
and now requires several thousands of pounds to repair the 
old and build new ones, to mount the ordnance which your 
Majesty was graciously pleased to send us, which, with great 
concern, we must inform your Majesty we have, riot yet been 
able to accomplish, being lately obliged for the defence and 
support of this your Majesty's province and government, to 
raise, by a tax on the inhabitants, a supply of above forty 
thousand pounds paper currency per annum, which is a con- 
siderable deal more than a third part of all the currency 
among us ; a charge which your Majesty's subjects of this 
province are but barely able to sustain. Since your Majes- 
ty's royal instruction to your Majesty's Governor here, an 
entire stop has been put to the duties which before accrued 
from European goods imported ; and if a war should happen, 
or any thing extraordinary, to be farther expensive heie, we 
should be under the, utmost difficulties to provide additionally 
for the same, lest an increase of taxes with an apprehension 
of danger, should drive away many of our present inhabi- 
tants, as well as discourage others from coming here to settle 
for the defence and improvement of your Majesty's province, 
there being sevei-al daily moving with their families and 
effects to North Carolina, where there are no such fears and 
burdens. 

We must therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that, 
amidst our other perilous circumstances, we are subject to 

VOL. IJ. 41 



322 Appendix. 

many intestine dangers from the great number of negroes 
that are now among us, who amount at least to twenty-two 
thousand persons, and are three to one of all your Majesty's 
white subjects in this province. Insurrections against us 
have been often attempted, and would at any time prove 
very fatal if the French should instigate them, by artfully 
giving them an expectation of freedom. In such a situation 
we most humbly crave leave to acquaint your Majesty, that 
even the present ordinary expenses necessary for the care 
and support of this your Majesty's province and government, 
cannot be provided for by your Majesty's subjects of this 
province, without your Majesty's gracious pleasure to con- 
tinue those laws for establishing the negroes and other 
duties for seven years, and for appropriating the same, which 
now lie before your Majesty for your royal assent and ap- 
probation ; and the further expenses that will be requisite for 
the erecting some forts and establishing garrisons in the 
several necessary places, so as to form a barrier for the se- 
curity of this your Majesty's province, we most humbly sub- 
mit to your Majesty. 

Your Majesty's subjects of this province, with fullness of 
zeal, duty and affection to your most gracious and sacred 
Majesty, are so highly sensible of the great importance of 
this province to the French, that we must conceive it more 
than probable, if a war should happen, they will use all en- 
deavors to bring this country under their subjection ; they 
would be thereby enabled to support their sugar islands with 
all sorts of provisions and lumber by an easy navigation, 
which, to our great advantage, is not so practicable from the 
present French colonies, besides the facility of gaining then 
to their interest most of the Indian trade on the northern con- 
tinent ; they might then easily unite the Ctmadees and Choc- 
taws with the many other nations of Indians which are now 
in their interest. And the several ports and harbors of Car- 
olina and Georgia which now enable your Majesty to be ab- 
solute master of the passage through the gulf of Florida, 
and to impede at your pleasure the transportation home of 
the Spanish treasure, would then prove so many convenient 
harbors for your Majesty's enemies, by their privateers or 
ships of war to annoy a great part of the British trade to 
America, as well as that which is carried on through the gulf 
from Jamaica ; besides the loss which Great Britain must feel 



Appendix. 323 

in so considerable a part of its navigation, as well as the ex- 
ports of masts, pitch, tar and turpentine, which, without any 
dependence on the northern parts of Europe, are from hence 
plentifully supplied for the use of the British shipping. 

This is the present state and condition of your Majesty's 
province of South Carolina, utterly incapable of finding funds 
sufficient for the defence of this wide frontier, and so desti- 
tute of white men, that even money itself cannot here raise 
a sufficient body of them. 

With all humility we therefore beg leave to lay ourselves 
at the feet of your Majesty, humbly imploring your Majesty's 
most gracious care in the extremities we should be reduced 
to on the breaking out of a war ; and that your Majesty 
would be graciously pleased to extend your protection to us, 
as your Majesty, in your great wisdom, shall' think proper. 

Robert Johnson. 

In the council chamber of South Carolina, 9th April, 1734. 

Tho. Broughton, Pr sident. 
Paul Jenys, Speaker, 



No. 5. 



Thomas Pearce, aged forty years and upwards, of the 
Dover man of war, mariner, having been at Georo;ia in 
America, on board the Peter and James, Captain George 
Dymond, in the year one thousand seven hundred and thirty- 
five ; and, from that ship, on board the Hawk sloop, stationed 
at Georgia, until the beginning of the year one thousand 
seven hundred and thirty-nine ; and having sounded every 
inlet from the sea, all along the coast of Georgia, from Jekyll 
sound to Tybee sound, maketh oath and saith, that the said 
coast four leagues from the land, is all even ground, not less 
than seven or eight fathom water, and any ship keeping in 
that depth of water may steer along the same with the 
greatest safety, and anchor if they have occasion. That on 
the bar at Jekyll there is at least thirteen feet and a half, at 
low water, and at high spring tides twenty-lour feet ; and on 
the bar at Tybee there is at least sixteen feet and a half at 



324 • Appendix. 

low water, and .it high water spring tides twenty-five feet 
and a half; and the difference between the spring and neap 
tides is generally between three and four feet. 

And this deponent farther saith, that he is well assured, 
and would undertake, by sounding with a boat, even at neap 
tides, to carry in forty gun ships over either of the said bars ; 
and saith, that he hath seen in the sound at St. Simon's, 
from Jekyll bar, ten sail of ships at one time, and that tea or 
twelve forty gun ships may safely ride there ; but behind 
Jekyll island there is water and room enough for shipping for 
ten miles up ; and that the sound at Tybee is large enough 
to hold with safety seven or eight forty gun ships. 

And this deponent farther saith, that ships in Jekyll sound 
may in twenty-four hours, from the bar, run out into the 
gulf-stream of Florida, through which stream the Spanish 
galleons (when not passing the windward passage,) always 
come. 

Thomas Pearce. 



No. 6. 

To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 

The humble Memorial of the Trustees for Establishing the 
Colony of Georgia in America. 

Humbly shotveth, 

That they being entrusted by your Majesty with the care 
of the colony of Georgia, which was formerly part of your 
Majesty's province of South Carolina, and your Majesty's 
colony of Georgia being yevy much exposed to the power of 
the Spaniards, and become an object of their envy, by 
having valuable ports upon the homeward passage from thq 
Spanish West Indies, and the Spaniards having increased 
their ibrces in the neighborhood thereof, the trustees, in con- 
sequence of the great trust reposed in them by your Majesty, 
find themselves obliged, humbly to lay before your Majesty, 
their inability sudiciently to protect your Majesty's subjects 
settled in Georgia, under the encouragement of your Ma- 
jesty's charter, against this late increase of forces, and there- 



Appendix. 325 

fore become humble suppliants to your Majesty, on the 
behalf of your subjects settled in the province of Georgia, 
that your Majesty would be pleased to take their preserva-" 
tion into your royal consideration, that, by a necessary sup- 
ply of forces, the province may be protected against the 
great dangers that seem immediately to threaten it. 

All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty's 
great wisdom. 

Signed by order of the trustees, this 10th day of August, 
1737. 

Benj. Martyn, Secretary. 



APPENDIX. 



ACCOUNT OF THE GEORGIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



The necessity of some historical institution had long been felt by literary 
men, but no regular effort had ever been made for its establishment. The 
splendid Autographical Collection of I. K. Tefft, Esq. together with the 
many valuable documents in his possession pertaining to the colonial and 
revolutionary history of Georgia, suggested the importance of such a so- 
ciety, and it was immediately determined by Mr. Tefft, and William B. 
Stevens to proceed without delay in its formation. This measure was first 
decided on towards the close of April, 1839, and at the suggestion of Mr. 
Tefft, the latter endeavored to prepare the way and awaken attention to 
the subject by two articles on this topic which appeared in the Savannah 
Georgian of May following. These individuals were now joined by a third, 
Richard D. Arnold, M. D., and after many conferences as to the best 
method of procedure they resolved to address the following Circular to a 
kw gentlemen whom they thought would be interested in their design. 

" Savannah, May 22, 1839. 

" Dear Sik, — You are respectfully requested to attend a meeting to be 
held at the Savannah Library Society's Room, on Friday evening next, 
at 8 o'clock, for the purpose of devising measures to organize a Georgia 
Historical Society. As an efficient beginning is of the utmost importance, 
you are earnestly desired to be present if compatible with your engage- 
ments. An answer addressed to either of the undersigned would oblige, 
yours, &.C. I. K. Tefft, R. D. Arnold, \Vm. B. Stevens." 

This Circular was sent to fifty-one individuals, and in evidence of the 
cooperation of those invited, it may be slated, that forty-nine replies were 
received, all highly commending the effort and promising a cordial sup- 
port. A meeting was held at the place appointed and was organized by 
calling Judge C. S. Henry to the chair, and electing I. K. Tefft, Secretary. 
The Chairman briefly explained the object of assembling, after which 
Judge James M. Wayne offered the following resolution, which was unan- 
imously passed. 

" Resolved, That we will associate ourselves for the purpose of form- 
ing an Historical Society, the primary object of which shall be to collect 
and diffuse information in relation to the history of Georgia and of Ameri- 
can History generally." On further motion of the same, it was proposed, 
that if any one had prepared a constitution, it should be submitted without 



Appendix. 327 

the usual formality. Whereupon, Dr. R. D. Arnold stated, that Mr. Teffl, 
Dr. Stevens and himself, who had called the meeting, had prepared a con- 
stitution to be submitted to its action. He accordir)gly laid it before the 
meeting;, and it having been considered article by article, was, on motion 
of Judge J. C. Nicoll, referred to a committee of six for revisal, whose 
further duty it should be to report by-laws for the government of the Soci- 
ety. The chair appointed as that committee, Judge John C Nicoll, Dr. 
R. D. Arnold, Hon. J. M. Berrien, I. K. Tefit, M. H. McAllister and Dr. 
William Bacon Stevens. On motion of Judge Wayne, seconded by Col. 
Myers, it was resolved, that this committee be requested to report at an 
adjourned meeting to be held in this place on Tuesday evening, 4th of 
June, at 8 o'clock. Agreeably to this resolution, another and still larger 
meeting was held, before which body the committee made the following 
report of Constitution and by-Laws. 



CONSTITUTION. 

Art. I. The society shall be called, The Georgia Historical Society. 

Art. II. Its object shall be, to collect, preserve, and diffuse information 
relatmg to the History of the State of Georgia, in all its various depart- 
ments, and of American History generally. 

Art. III. This Society shall consist of Resident and Honorary Members 
— Resident Members embracing those within the State — Honorary Mem- 
bers, those distinguished for their literary attainments, particularly in the 
depai'tment of History, throughout the world. 

Art. IV. The officers of the Society shall be a President, two Vice 
Presidents, Corresponding Secretary, Recording Secretary, Treasurer, 
Librarian, and seven Curators ; who shall be elected by ballot, at each 
annual meeting. Should a vacancy occur in any of said offices, by death, 
resignation, removal, or otherwise, it may be filled up by ballot, at the next 
regular meeting of the Society, and if it shall happen in an office other 
than that of President or Vice President, it may be filled up until the next 
regular meeting, by the presiding officer, and the Curators, or a majority 
of them. 

Art. V. The annual meeting of the Society shall be held on the 12th 
day of February, and on the second Monday of every other month a 
Monthly meeting shall be held. 

Art. VI. The President, or in his absence, either of the Vice Presidents, 
may call an extra meeting of the Society, upon the request of the major- 
ity of the Curators present in the city, or of five Resident Members. 

Art. VII. The admission of members shall be by ballot — their names 
having been first propounded at a previous meeting — and a majority of 
two-thirds present, shall be required to elect ; the Resident Members pay- 
ing ten dollars for the first year, and a subsequent annual contribution of 
five dollars. 

Art. VIII. Seven Resident Members, including at least two of the offi- 
cers, shall constitute a quorum, and be empowered to transact the regular 
business of the Society, except at the annual meeting, when fifteen shall 
constitute a quorum. 

Art. IX. This Constitution can be altered or amended only by a vote 
of two-thirds of the Resident Members present at the annual meeting, 
and a notice to that effect having been made at a previous meeting. 



328 Appendix. 



BY-LAWS. 

1. The President, or in his absence, the highest officer present, shall 
preside at ail meetings of the Society — regulate the debates, give, when 
required, the casting vote, preserve order, and be ex-officio, Chairman of 
the Board of Managers. 

2. The Corresponding Secretary shall conduct all the correspondence 
of the Society, his letters having previously received the sanction of the 
presiding officer. He shall preserve on file the originals of all commu- 
nications addressed to the Society, and keep a fair copy of all his letters, 
in books furnished for the purpose. It shall furthermore be his duty, to 
read at each meeting the correspondence, or such abstracts from it, as the 
President may direct, which he has sustained since the previous meeting. 

3. The Recording Secretary shall keep the minutes of all meetings of 
the Society, and at the opening of each one, shall read those of the pre- 
ceding one. He shall have the custody of the Constitution, By-laws, and 
Records of the Society ; and shall give due notice of the time and place 
of all meetings of the Society. 

4. The Treasurer shall collect, receive, and disburse all moneys due 
and payable, and all donations and bequests of money, or other property, 
to the Society. He shall pay, under proper vouchers, all the ordinary 
expenses of the Society, and shall deposite all its funds in one of the 
Banks of the city, to the credit of the Society, subject to his checks, coun- 
tersigned by the presiding officer ; and at the annual meeting shall make 
a true report of all moneys received and paid out by him, to be audited 
by the Committee on Finance, provided for hereafter. 

5. It shall be the duty of the Librarian, to preserve, arrange, and keep 
in good order, all books, MSS., documents, pamphlets and papers, of every 
kind, belonging to the Society. Pie shall keep a catalogue of the same, 
and take especial care, that no book, MS., document, paper, or any pro- 
perty of the Society, confided to his keeping, be removed from the room. 
He shall also be furnished with a book, in which to record all donations 
and bequests, of whatsoever kind, relating to his department, with the 
name of the donor, and the time when bestowed. 

6. The Curators, with the President, Vice Presidents, Corresponding 
and Recording Secretaries, Librarian and Treasurer, shall constitute a 
Board of Managers, whose duty it shall be, to superintend the general 
concerns of the Society. The President shall, from this Board, appoint 
the following Standing Committees, viz : — On the Library, on Printing 
and Publishing, and on Finance. 

7. The Committee on the Library shall have the supervisory care of 
all the printed publications, manuscripts, and curiosities. They shall, with 
the Librarian, provide suitable shelves, cases and fixtures, by which to 
arrange and display them. The printed volumes and manuscripts shall be 
regularly numbered, and marked with the name of the " Georgia Histor- 
ical Society." They shall propose at the regular meetings, such books or 
MSS. pertaining to the object of the Society, as they shall deem expedient, 
which, when approved, shall be by them purchased, and disposed of as 
above directed. They shall be required to visit the Library at least once 
each week, officially — and shall |)rovide a book or books, in which the 
Librarian shall keep a record of their proceedings — and be entrusted, in 



Appendix. 329 

general, with the custody, care and increase, of whatever comes within 
the province of tlieir appointed duty. 

8. The Committee on Printing and Publishing, shall prepare for publi- 
cation whatever documents or collections shall be ordered, by the Society 
— shall contract for, and supervise the printing of the same, and shall 
furnish the Recording Secretary and Librarian, with such blank notices, 
summonses, labels, &c. as may be deemed requisite. 

9. The Committee on Finance shall consist of at least one member of 
each of the former Committees, and shall have the general oversight and 
direction of the funds of the Society. They shall once in three months 
examine the books of the Treasurer, vouch all accounts of moneys ex- 
pended, and audit his annual report. 

10. The order of proceeding at the regular meetings shall be as follows : 

— 1st. Reading the Minutes of the last meeting, and confirming them. 2d. 
Reading the correspondence of the Corresponding Secretary. 3d. Nom- 
ination of new members. 4th. Ballotting for those already propounded. 
5th. Overtures or reports from the Board of Managers, or from the Stand- 
ing Committees. 6th. Communications or addresses from members. 7th. 
Miscellaneous business. 

11. The Board of Managers shall appoint one of the Resident or Hon- 
orary Members of the Society, to deliver an historical discourse, at each 
annual meeting, together with such other exercises as shall be appropriate 
to its celebration. 

12. Any failure on the part of the members, after due notice from the 
President, to pay their annual dues, for two consecutive years, shall be 
considered a forfeiture of membership. And no person thus expunged, 
can be eligible to readmission, without the strict payment of his arrears. 

Their report having been adopted and signed by the gentlemen present, 
the balloting for officers took place and resulted as follows. 

Officers of the Georgia Historical Society^ elected June^ 1839. 

President — John Macpherson Berrien. Vice Presidents — James M. Wayne, 
M. H. M'Allister. Corresponding Secretary — I. K. Tefft. Recording Secretary 

— William B.Stevens. Treasurer — George W. Hunter. Librarian — Henry 
K. Preston. Curators — William Thorne Williams, Charles S. Henrv, John 
C. NicoLL, William Law, Robert M. Charlton, Richard D. Arnold, A. A. 
Smets. 

Standing Committees. 

On the Library — J. M. Wayne, William Law, J. C. Nicoll, R. M. Charlton, 
William B. Stevens, and Henry K. Preston. On Printing and Publishing — W. 
T. Williams, L K. Tefft, R. D. Arnold. On Finance — M. H. M'Allister, C. 
S. Henry, William Law, William T. Williams, A. A. Smets, and George W. 
Hunter. 

Thus was constituted the Georgia Historical Society, and we trust that 
it will long continue in its high and useful career. The meetings of the 
Society have generally been quite interesting, and have elicited much 
information relative to the historical materials of the State. The Library 
already contains many rare and choice works and a number of very val- 
uable manuscripts, constituting the nucleus of what we hope will ere long 
be a rich historical collection. In the cabinet are some interesting curiosi- 
ties and a few coins and medals. 

VOL. II, 42 



330 Appendix. 

It would naturally be expected that in a stale which dates its origin but 
one hundred and seven years back, ample materials might be found to 
illustrate its early history, and form a regular documentary series from 
the landing of Oglethorpe to the present time. But such unfortunately 
is not tlic case. The harassing disturbances, and often the actual war- 
fare, of this most southern colony, with the Spaniards, and the Indians, 
from its settlement, imlil the breaking out of the war of the Revolution ; 
together with the belligerent attitude which it maintained during that mem- 
orable contest, as a frontier State, scattered the principal families, and the 
burning, plundering and confiscation consequent on this condition, caused 
the destruction of many private and public records, and strewed ruin and 
devastation throughout the province. There yet remain with some indi- 
viduals, papers of great worth and interest, which in time will probably 
be deposited in our library. In the archives of the Slate are many mis- 
cellaneous documents, the casual survey of which encourages the hope 
that- from this source much information may be gleaned. By a reference 
to the last section of our charter, it will be seen, that the legislature, with 
a liberality worthy of all praise, have confided to our care the invaluable 
documents obtained in England by Rev. Charles W. Howard, at a large 
expense to the State. These are comprised in twenty-two volumes, folio. 
Fifteen are from the records of the Board of Trade ; six from the State 
Paper Office, and one from the King's Library, forming a body of histori- 
cal information full of the most interesting statements, letters, and reports, 
relating to the colonial period of Georgia. 



An Act to incorporate the Georgia Historical Society. 

Whereas, the members of a Society instituted in the city of Savannah 
for the purpose of collecting, preserving, and diffusing information relating 
to the history of the State of Georgia in particular, and of American his- 
tory generally, have applied for an Act of Incorporation. 

Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
State of Georgia in general assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by the 
authority of the same, That J. M. Berrien, James M. Wayne, M. H. Mc- 
Allister, I. K. TefFt, Wm. B. Stevens, Geo. W. Hunter, H. K. Preston, 
Wm. T. Williams, C. S. Henry, J. C. Nicoll, Wm. Law, R. M. Charlton, 
R. D. Arnold, A. A. Smets, J. VV. Anderson, Wm. B. Bulloch, J. H. Bur- 
roughs, J. Balfour, Wm. H. Bulloch, T. B. Bartow, Jas. Barnard, Morgan 
Brown, G. B. Gumming, Solo. Cohen. Jos. Gumming, D. C. Campbell, J. 
H. Couper, VV. A. Caruthers, W. H. Cuyler, Edw. Coppee, Wm. Crab- 
tree, Jr., Arch'd. Clarke, Wm. Duncan, Wm. C. Daniell, George M. Dud- 
ley, J. De La Motta, Jr., J. S. Fay, S. H. Fay, W. B. Fleming, J. F. 
Griffin,. Robl. Habersham, W. Neyle Habersham, J. C. Habersham, E. 
J. Harden, S. L. W. Harris, Geo. Jones, J. W. Jackson, P. M. Kollock, 
G. J. Kollock, Ralph King, T. B. King, Wm. McWhir, J. B. Mallard, 
John Millen, W. H. Rliller, J. S. Morel, M. Myers, J. F. O'Niell, E. Neu- 
ville, E. A. Nisbet, A. Porter, Thos. Paine, Willard Preston, Edw. 
Padelford, Thos. Purse, R. W. Pooler, Wm. Robertson, L. O. Reynolds, 



Appendix. 331 

J. Bond Read, R. H. Randolph, F. M. Robertson, George Schley, James 
Smith, Wm. H. Stiles, B. C. Stiles, J. L. Shaffer, Chas. Stephens, Wrn. 
P. White, Jno. E. Ward, George White, and such other persons as now 
are and may from time to time become members of said Society, be and they 
are hereby declared and constituted a body corporate and politic, by the name 
of the " Georgia Historical Society," and by that name shall have perpetual 
succession and be capable to sue and be sued, to plead and be impleaded, 
answer and be answered unto, defend and be defended in all courts or 
places whatsoever, to have a common seal, and the same at pleasure to 
change or alter, to make, establish, and ordain such a constitution and 
such by-laws not repugnant to the constitution of this State or of the 
United States, as shall from time to time be necessary and expedient, and 
to annex to the breach thereof such penalty, by fine, suspension, or expul- 
sion as they may deem fit, and to purchase, take, receive, hold, and enjoy, 
to them and their successors, any goods and chattels, lands and tenements, 
and to sell, lease, or otherwise dispose of the same, or of any part there- 
of, at their will and pleasure. Provided, that the clear annual income of 
such real and personal estate shall not exceed the sum of five thousand 
dollars, and provided also that the funds of the said corporation shall be 
used and appropriated to the purposes stated in the preamble of this Act 
and those only. 

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the 
said Society shall have power to elect and qualify such officers as may by 
them be deemed necessary, to be chosen at such time and to hold their 
offices for such period as the Constitution or By-Laws of said Society shall 
prescribe, and that if the election of said officers, or any of them, shall 
not be held on any of the days for that purpose appointed, it shall be law- 
ful to make such elections on any other day. 

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall 
be the duty of the governor of the State to transmit or cause to be trans- 
mitted to it a set of the Acts and also of the Journals of the present and 
future sessions of the Legislature, and also copies of all the documents, 
papers, books, and pamphlets that shall hereafter be printed under, or by 
virtue of, an act of legislature, joint resolution of both branches thereof, 
unless such act or resolution shall otherwise provide, and that the said 
Society may, by their agent or agents, have access at all reasonable times 
to the several public offices of this State and of the corporate towns and 
cities thereof, and may cause such documents to be searched, examined, 
and copied without paying office fees as they may judge proper to pro- 
mote the object of said Society. 

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, that this Act shall be and is hereby 
declared to be a public Act, and shall be construed benignly and favorably 
for every beneficial purpose therein intended, and that no misnomer of the 
said Corporation in any deed, will, testament, devise, gift, grant, demise, 
or other instrument of contract or conveyance, shall vitiate or defeat the 
same, provided the Corporation shall be sufficiently described to ascertain 
the intention of the parties. 

Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, that the governor be and he is here- 
by authorized and requested to confide to the care and keeping of the pro- 
per officers of said Society the transcript of the colonial records lately 



233 Appendix. 

taken by the Rev. C. W. Howard in London, until further disposition of 
the same shall be made by the General Assembly. 

Joseph Day, Speaker of House of Representatives. 
Robert M. Echols, Pres. of the Senate. 

Assented to, 19th Dec. 1839. 

Charles J. McDonald, Governor. 



The following Circular, issued by the Library Committee, is here in- 
serted, on account of its valuable suggestions to individuals and societies 
engaged in historical researches. 

Savannah., June 26, 1839. 

Sir — The Library Committee of the Georgia Historical Society, 
beg leave respectfully to I'equesl of those interested in its design, to trans- 
mit to the Corresponding Secretary, as soon as convenient, whatever of 
the following books or documents they may be disposed to contribute to 
the archives of the Society. 

Journals of the Provincial Congress, and Colonial and State Legisla- 
tures ; Records of the proceedings of Conventions and Committees of 
Safety ; Journals of the King's Council ; original and later Statutes of 
the Province and State ; Treaties with any Indian Tribes, or with any 
State or Nation. 

Reports of Boards of Health ; Statistics of births, deaths, the deaf, 
dumb and blind ; accounts of special Epidemics ; copies of Medical 
Journals ; Catalogues of Medical Colleges ; and members of the profes- 
sion are earnestly requested to prepare reports on the Medical topography 
of the various places where they may be located. 

Sketches of the Histories of Cities, Towns, Counties ; for whom named, 
together with Maps, Surveys, Charters, and whatever relates to the civil 
history of the State. 

Meteorological observations ; Reports of Geological and Mineralogical 
Surveys, and, every thing relating to the Natural History of the State. 

The earliest notices of Indian tribes within our boundaries, their man- 
ners and customs, their battles and skirmishes ; the adventures and suffer- 
ings of captives and travellers in their territories ; the Indian name of 
rivers, hills, districts, islands, bays, and other places, with the traditions 
attached to the same, together with their monuments and relics. 

Sketches of the lives of all eminent and remarkable persons who have 
lived in the State, or were connected with its history ; original journals, 
letters, documents and papers, illustrating the same, or of our ancestors 
generally. 

All works relating to the History of Georgia, its Colleges, Academies, 
and Seminaries ; minutes and proceedings of scientific and literary asso- 
ciations, orations, sermons, addresses, tracts, essays, pamphlets and poems, 
delivered or written on any public occasion, or commemorative of any 
remarkable event ; magazines, almanacs, reviews, and newspapers from 
their first introduction into the colony. 



Appendix. 333 

Tables of exports and imports, price currents, reports of railroads, 
canals, banks, and insurance offices ; proceedings of chambers of com- 
merce, registers of vessels and steam boats, notices of the rise and pro- 
gress of agriculture, and manufactures of every kind, and the nature and 
amount of fisheries. 

Militia returns and regulations ; the number, location, and date of incor- 
poration of volunteer corps ; the names of field, staff and general officers ; 
description of all fortifications that have been, or now are in existence ; 
notices of battles and battle fields, and of the invasions, and depredations, 
and skirmishes, by and with foreign nations, from the first settlement of 
the colony. 

Proceedings of conventions, assemblies, synods, presbyteries, confer- 
ences and religious associations of all kinds ; sketches of the origin and 
progress of individual churches, names of the officiating clergy, with the 
date of their settlement, the sect to which they belong, and the time of the 
removal or death of all such as have left their charge, or have deceased. 

The Committee would respectfully state, that while in the above speci- 
fications, they have regarded merely their own State, yet they by no 
means wish to limit the donations to, or collections of the Society, to top- 
ics purely local in their interest. They solicit contributions of books, manu- 
scripts, pamphlets, newspapers, and every thing which can elucidate the 
history of America generally, as well as Georgia in particular; and they 
sincerely hope that this call upon the liberality of all who love the honor 
of our commonwealth, and desire to perpetuate the faithful records of her 
existence, will be responded to, with an ardor that will insure the complete 
success of the Georgia Historical Society. 

N. B. — Whenever private conveyance can be obtained, for the trans- 
mission of books, documents, &c., it would be preferred to forwarding 
them by mail. 



OFFICERS 



GEORGIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 



ELECTED FEBRUARY, 1842. 



Hon. JAMES M. WAYNE, President. 

M. HALL M'ALLISTER, Esq., 1st Vice President. 
Hon. WILLIAM LAW, 2d " 

I. K. TEFFT, Esq., Corresponding Secretary, 

HENRY K. PRESTON, Esq., Recording Secretary. 

SOLOMON COHEN, Esq., Treasurer. 

AVILLIAM BACON STEVENS, M. D., Librarian. 

William Thorne Williams, 
Hon. Charles Seton Henry, 

" John C. Nicoll, 

" Robert M. Charlton, \- Curators. 

Richard D. Arnold, M. D. 
A. A. Smets, I 

Rt. Rev. S. Elliott, Jr., D. D. j 



STANDING COMMITTEES. 



J. C. Nicoll, 
R. M. Charlton, 
William B. Stevens, 
Henry K. Preston, 
Stephen Elliott, Jr., 
Solomon Cohen, 



On the Library. 



William T. Williams, 
I. K. Tefft, 
R. D. Arnold, 

C. S. Henry, 1 

W. T. Williams, j 

A. A. Smets, [ 

George W. Hunter, 
Solomon Cohen, 
Richard D. Arnold, 



On Printing and Publishing. 



On Finance. 



Appendix. 



335 



List of the Resident Members of the Georgia Historical 

Society. 



Arnold, Richard n., M. D. 
Anderson, John W. 

Binney, Rev. Joseph G. 
Bulloct., Win. B. 
Bulloch, Win. H. 
Bulloch, V\ni. G., M. D. 
Burroughs, Joseph H. 
Balfour, John 
Bowen, Win. P. 
Bartow, Rev. T. B. 
Barnard, James 
Brown, Morgan 
Berrien, John M. 
Bulloch, JN. W. J. 
Bartow, Francis S. 
Bayard, N. J. 
Barclay, Anthony 
Barnard, Timothy G., M. D. 
Bilbo, James 
Bourke, Thomas 

Charlton, Robert M. 
Cninming, (Jeorge B. 
Camming, Joseph 
Cohen, Solomon 
Campbell, U. C. 
Couper, James H. 
Caruthers, Win. A., M. D. 
Cuyler, Wm. H., M.D. 
Coppee, Edward, M. U. 
Clark, Archibald 
Clinch, Duncan L. 
Clay, Thomas S. 
Crawford, Joel 

Duncan, William 
Daniell, Wm. C, M.D. 
Dudley, Geo. M. 
DeLamotta, Jacob, Jr. 
D'Lyon, Levi S. 
Davis, Charles 
Dawson, Wm. C. 

Fay, Josepli S. 
Fleming, Wm. B. 
Foster, Thomas F. 
Freeman, Henry K. 

Griffin, James F., M. D. 
Goodwin, Robert M. 
Glen, George 
*Gordon, Wm. W. 
Grant, Charles 
Grant, Huch Fraser 
Goulding, Rev. F. R. 
Guerard, Robert G. 
Garduer, Stephen 



Hunter, George W. 

Henry, Charles .'^eton 

Halieisliam, Robert 

Hahersliam, Win. Neyle 

Habersham, Joseph C, M.D. 

Harden, Edward J. 

Harding, George S. 

Harris, S. h. W. 

*Heniy, J. P. 

Howard, Rev. Charles Wallace 

House, ijamuel C. 

Hill, H. F. 

Hansen, Wm. Y. 

Hamilton, Thomas, M. D. 

Jones, George 
*Jones, Rev. Joseph L. 
Jackson, Joseph W. 
Jones, Moses L. 
Jones, Rev. John 
Jackson, Henry R. 

Kollock, P. M., M.D. 
KoUock, George J. 
King, Thomas Butler 
King, William 
King, Y. P. 

Law, William 
Lamar, G. B. 
Lewis, John N. 
Locke, J. L. 
Low, Andrew, Jr. 
Law, Wm. Fabian 
LeConle, John, M. D. 

McAllister, M. H. 
Mallard, John B. 
Millen, John 
Miller, Wm. H. 
Morel, James S., M. D. 
Myers, M. 
*AlcCall, Thomas 
Milledge, John 
McAllister, George W. 
McAllister, Joseph L. 
Miller, Andrew J. 
Mongin, Wm. Henry 
McConuell, Wm. P., M. D. 

Nicoll, John C. 
Neufville, Rev. Edward 
Nisbet, E. A. 
Neyle, G. N. 

O'Niell, Rev. J. F. 
Olmsted, Jonathan 
Owens, R. W. 



Pre.ston, Henry K. 
Porter, Anthony 
Preston, Rev. Willard,D.D. 
Padelford, Edward 
Purse, Thomas 
Pooler, Robert W. 
Philhritk, Samuel 
Pendleton, P. C. 
Potter, James 
Potter, Thomas F., M. D. 
Pynclion, Edward E. 
Polhill, Thomas H. 
Preston, James W. 
Ponce, Joseph B., M, D. 

Robertson, William 
Reynolds, L. O. 
+Read, James Bond, M. D. 
Randolph, R. H., M.D. 
Robertson, F. M. 
Rabun, John W. 

Schley, George 

Smith, James 

Stiles, Wm. H. 

Stiles, Benj. E. 

Shaffer, Joseph H. 

Stephens, Charles 

Smets, A. A. 

Sorrel, Francis 

Stevens, Wm. Bacon, M. D. 

Saunders, H. M., M.D. 

*Sinclair, Francis 

Stoddard, John 

Tatnell, Josiah 
Tefft, L K. 
Turner, Wm. 
*Thacher, Rev. Wm. V. 

Varnedoe, Samuel M. 

White, Wm. P. 
Ward, John E. 
Wayne, James M. 
Williams, Wm. Thome. 
White, Rev. George 
Warner, Hiram 
■Wallace, Norman 
Waldburg, Geo. M. 
Waldbuig, Jacob 
Williamson, John 
Wingfield, John 
\\ int;lield, Junius 
Williams, Henry 
Wilson, Edward G. 
Woodbridge, Wylly 



Honorary Members. 



Adams, Hon. John a., LL. D. E.x. Pres. U. S., Mas. 
♦Adams, Rev. Jasper, D. D., South Carolina. 
Allston, Wasliington, ICsq., Cainhridgeport, Mass. 
Andrews, James O., D. U., Covington, Ga. 

Bancroft, George, Esq., Boston, Mass. 
Bacon, Rev. Leonard, Leonard, New Haven, Ct. 
Barnard, Henry, 2d, Esq., Hartford, Ct. 
Bartleti, John R., Esq., New York. 
Burges, Hon. Tristram, Providence, R. L 
Bradford, Hon. Alden, LL. D., Boston. 
Bethune, Rev. Geo. W., D. D., Philadelphia. 
Bachman, Rev. J., D. D., Charleston, S. C. 



Cass, Hon. Lewis, LL. D., Minister to France. 
Cambreliiig, Hon. C. C, New York. 
Carroll, B. R., Esq., Charleston, S. C. 
Cheves, Hon. Langdon, LL. D., South Carolina. 
Church, Alonzo, D. D., Pres. Frankl. Univ., Ga. 
Clarke, Matt. St. Clair, Esq., Washington, D. C. 
Cogswell, Rev. Wm., D. D., Hanover, N. H. 
Cooper, J. Fennimore, Esq., New York. 
Couper, John, Esq., Georgia. 
Le Conte, Jlajor John, Georgia. 

Day, Jeremiah, D. D., LL. D., Pres. Yale College, 
New Haven, Ct. 



* Deceased. 






336 



Appendix. 



♦» 



Day, Hon. Thomas, Hartford, Ct. 
Dallas, Hon. George M., Philadelphia. 
Davis, Hon. John, LL. D. lioston. 
Daveis, Chailes S,, lUi\. Portland, Ale. 
De LaMotta, Jacob, .M.D., Cliarleston, S. C. 
Dicks(in,!S. llfiiry, .\1. U. '• " 

Drayton, Col. William, Philadelphia. 
Dq Poncoau, Peter S., LL. D., Philadelphia. 
Diiaiie, Hon. Wm J., " 

Everett, Hon. Edward, I,L. D., Minister to G. H. 
Everett, Hon. Alexander II., Pres. Jef. Col., La. 
Eaton, H<in. John H., Tennessee. 
Ellis, Hon. I'ovvhaton, Minister to Jle.xico. 
^ Elton, Prof. K<in)eo, Providenie, R. i. 
Elliott, Right Rev. (Stephen, Jr. D. D., Georgia. 

Few, Rev. Ignatius A., D. D., Georgia. 
Felt, Rev. Joseph B., lioston. 
Fletcher, Hon. Richard, " 
*Forsytli, Hon. John, Georgia. 
Folsom, George, Esq., New York. 
Force, <'ol. Peter, Washington, IJ. C. 
Francis, John W., .M. D., Xew York. 
Fraser, Charles, Esq., Charleston, S. C. 

Gallatin, Hon. Alliert, New Yoik. 
Gardiner, Robert H., Esq., Gardiner, Me. 
Gilman, Rev. Samuel, D. D., Charleston. 
Gilmor, Robert, Esq., Baltimore. 
Giiiner, Hon. George R., Lexington, Ga. 
Gilpin, Hon. Henry 0., Philadelphia. 
Grahanie, J. Esq., Xanlz, Fiance. 
Goddard, Prof Win. G., Providence, R. f. 
Gordon, Thonins F., Esq , Philadelphia. 
Greene, .Albert G., Esq., Providence. 
Greenwood, Rev. F. W. P., D. D., Boston. 

♦Harris, Rev. Thaddeus Mason, D. D., Boston, Ms 



Moultrie, James, M. D., Charleston, S. C. 
Muhlenl)erg, Hon. IJ. A., Pennsvlvanla. 
McVVhir, Rev. William, D. D., Georgia. 

Olmsted, Prof. Denison, iVew Haven, Ct. 

Paulding, Hon. J. K., New 'S'ork. 
Palfrey, Rev. John G., D. I). LL. D., Boston, Ms. 
Parsons, Prof L'slier, Providence, R. J. 
Petigru, Hon. James L., LL. 1)., (.'harleston. 
Pickering, John, LL. U», Boston. 
Piiickiiey, Hon. Henry L., Charleston. 
Pierce, Rev. Geo. F., iMacon, Ga. 
Poinsett, Hon. Joel R., South Carolina. 
Prescott, VVni. H., LL. D., Boston. 

Quincy, Hon. Josiah, LL. D., Pres. Harv. Univ., 

Cambridge. 

Ramsey, J. G. M., M. D., Mecklenberg, Tenn. 
R;iffles, Rcv.Thoma.*, D.D. LL. D., Liverpool. 
Rafn, Prof. Christian C, Copenhagen. 
*l{eid, Hon. Robert Raymond, Florida, 
Read, William, M. 1)., Charleston, S. C. 
Robliins, Hon. .\slier, f.L. D., Providence, R. I. 
Rush, lion. Richard, Philadelphia. 
Rich, Oliver, Esq., London. 
Reed, William B., Esq., Philadelphia. 

.Savage, Hon. James, Boston. 

Sherwood, Rev. Adiel, Greene County, Ga. 

Schoolcraft, Henry R., Esq., Detroit. 

.'•illiman, Prof. Benj., LL. D., New Haven. 

Sheftall, Sheftall, E.'iq., i<avannah. 

fiiiims, William Gilmore, Esq., South Carolina. 

Schley, Hon. William, Augusta. 

Simons, Thomas Y., .\1.D., Charleston, S.C. 

Spalding, Hon. Thomas, Darien, (Ja. 

Sparks, Prof. Jared, LL. D., Cambridge. 



♦Harrison, Gen. Wm. H., E.x. Pies. U. S., Ohio. Sprague, Rev, Wni. B., D.D., Albany, H.Y 
Hawkes, Rev. Francis L., D. D., New York. Spencer, Hon. J C, " " 



*Hayne, Gen. Robert Y., Charleston. S, C. 
Hays, Isaac, .M. D., Philadelphia. 
Heath, James E., Esq., Richmond, Va. 
Howard, Hon. Benj. C, Maryland. 
Homer, Rev. Jonathan, D. D., Newton, Mass. 
Uowlaiid, John, Esq., Providence, R. I. 

Ingraham, Edward D., Esq., Philadelphia. 
Irving, Washington, LL D., Minister to Spain. 
Irving, Theodore, Esq., Nev,' York. 
Insersoll, Hon. Charles J., Philadelphia. 
Inger.wll, Hon. Joseph R., Pliiladelphia. 



Jackson, Gen. Andrew, Ex. Pres. U. S., TenQ< 
Jay, John, Esq., New York. ' "^WK^ 

Jenks, Rev. Wm., D. D., Boston. • •* •y; 



Kent, James, LL. D., New Vork. 
King, Mitchell, Esq., Charleston, S. C. 
Kiiigley, Prof. Jaines, LL. D. , New Haven, Ct. 

LaFayette, George W. Esq., France. 
Lawson, Thomas, M. D., Surgeon Gen.U. S. A. 

Washington City. 
Lewis, f.'en. Morgan, New York. 
Legare, Hon. Hugh S., Washington. 
Lemon, Roliert, Esq., London. 
Lumpkin, Hon. Wilson, Georgia. 
Longstreet, Rev. A. B., LL. D., Georgia. 
Lieber, Francis, LL. D., Columbia, B. C. 

Mercer, Rev. Jesse, Washington, Ga. 
Memminger, C.G., Esq., Charleston, S.C. 
Marescbal, (Jen. Baron Von, Austria. 
McDoii Id, Hon. Charles J., Milledgeville. 
Middlelon, Hon. Henry, Charleston. 
Miller, Rev. Samuel, D. D., Princeton, N. J. 



Story, Hon. Joseph, LL. D., Boston. 
Stevenson, Hon. .Andrew, Virginia. 
Stewart, J. A., Esq., Charleston. 
Staples, Hon. AVm. R., Providence, R.L 
Stephens, John L., Esq , New Adrk. 
Stuyvesant, Peter G., Esq., New Jersey. 
Stone, Col. V\'m. L , New York. 
♦Sullivan, Hon. William, LL. D., Boston. 

Thacher, James, INI. I)., Plymouth. 

♦Thatcher, B. B., Esq., Bilston. 

Troup, Hon. (ieorge M., Georgia. 

Trumbull, Col. John, New Haven, Ct. 

Talinage, Rev. S. K., Pres. Oglethorpe Univ. Geo. 



an Buren, Hon. Martin, Ex Pres. U. S., N. Y. 
Vaughn, John, Esq., Philadelphia. 



*VA'addell, Rev. Moses, LL.D., Athens, Ga. 
Wardlaw, Hon. D. L., Abbeville, S. C. 
Wayland, Rev. Francis, D. I)., I'rovidence, R.L 
VA'ebb, Thomas H., .M. 11., Boston. 
Wheaton, Hon. Henry, Minister to Prussia. 
Wilde, Hon. Richard Henry, (ieorgia. 
Willis, William, Esq., Portland, Me. 
Webster, Hon. Daniel, LL. 1)., Alassachusetts. 
♦Wintbrop, Hon. Thom.is L., LL. D., Boston. 
\Veb.«ter, Noah, LL. I)., New Haven, Ct. 
♦While, Hon. Joseph M., Florida. 
AVoodruff, George, Esq., 'i'renton, N. J. 
AVoods, Rev. Leonard, Jr., D.D., Pres't Bowdoin 

College. 
Woodbury, Hon. Levi, LL. D., New Hampshire. 

A'eadon, Richard, Jr., Esq., Charleston, S. C. 
Aoung, Rev. Alexander, Boston, Mass.